Changes in the menu of manipulation: Electoral fraud, ballot stuffing, and voter pressure in the 2011 Russian election

Vote-buying and voter intimidation are costly, complicated, and risky ways to manage elections. Why, then, do hybrid regimes utilize such tactics rather than ballot stuffing or election falsification? Such methods to mobilize voters require the construction of patronage networks that can be used to mobilize or demobilize clients beyond the election, and to display the incumbent's organizational strength. These networks are most valuable in places where opposition groups are active; consequently direct voter pressure should be more common in competitive areas. This paper uses data from Russia's 83 regions during the 2011 election to compare patterns of extra-legal mobilization with patterns of ballot stuffing and falsification. I conclude that local political competitiveness structures the mix of electoral manipulation tactics employed

The Machinery of Manipulation: A comparative analysis of principal-agent dynamics and election manipulation in Russia, Mexico, and Ukraine

The most common form of authoritarian government in the modern world is one that holds contested elections. Elections in these electoral authoritarian regimes have been shown to have a variety of stabilizing effects for incumbents, even as organized opposition contestation poses some risks. This project investigates how authoritarian leaders attempt to manage these risks through electoral manipulation. In particular, it addresses two interrelated questions: why are some elections manipulated more severely than others, and why do the techniques used to tamper with elections vary across space and over time? To answer these questions, I investigate principal-agent dynamics between leaders who wish to influence the election result and the individuals who actually stuff the ballot boxes, buy the votes, or forge the results. These low-level actors must bear the direct costs and risks of tampering with the election, while the direct benefits of manipulation accrue to the leader. I find that this principal-agent relationship helps determine the severity and type of election manipulation that political leaders are able to generate. In particular, two factors interact to shape the principal-agent relationship. First, agents are more likely to manipulate on behalf of a leader who controls the bulk of patronage resources in the society. Second, agents must evaluate the local risk of exposure and punishment for engaging in illegal forms of manipulation, even if their patron wins. Where these risks are high, agents are more likely to adopt harder-to-detect forms of manipulation, like vote-buying. When risks are low, tactics like falsification are more likely. I test this theory using multiple methods. I draw primarily on election forensics—statistical analysis of precinct-level election results to identify non-random patterns in the data. I employ multiple election-forensic tools to analyze election results in the subnational regions of Russia, Mexico, and Ukraine over time. I also conducted field interviews of election observers and administrators, and a survey experiment of public attitudes toward electoral manipulation, both in Russia. The results support the argument that patronage and agent risk drive the severity and type of election manipulation in electoral authoritarian regimes, hybrid regimes, and unconsolidated democracies.Doctor of Philosoph

Beyond capitalism and liberal democracy: on the relevance of GDH Cole’s sociological critique and alternative

This article argues for a return to the social thought of the often ignored early 20th-century English thinker GDH Cole. The authors contend that Cole combined a sociological critique of capitalism and liberal democracy with a well-developed alternative in his work on guild socialism bearing particular relevance to advanced capitalist societies. Both of these, with their focus on the limitations on ‘free communal service’ in associations and the inability of capitalism to yield emancipation in either production or consumption, are relevant to social theorists looking to understand, critique and contribute to the subversion of neoliberalism. Therefore, the authors suggest that Cole’s associational sociology, and the invitation it provides to think of formations beyond capitalism and liberal democracy, is a timely and valuable resource which should be returned to

Perceptions of school-based alcohol education by educational and health stakeholders: “Education as usual” compared to a randomised controlled trial

The present study sought the views of stakeholders, including school leaders and statutory stakeholders, on the content and evaluation of a classroom-based alcohol education intervention in a Randomised Controlled Trial in Scotland and Northern Ireland. Purposive sampling was used to ensure that schools from both the Intervention and Control groups were equally represented, and to ensure that similar numbers and grades of stakeholders in both countries were represented. A total of 27 participants (Male = 13 (48%); Female = 14 (52%)) engaged in a semi-structured interview prior to the end of the trial. Results suggest that: schools generally design their own alcohol education programmes; that intervention schools thought highly of the particular intervention tested; and that both groups engaged meaningfully in the research. The threshold for acceptance of the intervention was lower than the successful outcome of the trial. More pragmatic considerations were considered equally important. From the point of view of the statutory stakeholders, funding of an intervention depends on a successful outcome evaluation, but that “success” may mean a positive impact on at-risk groups, and not necessarily at a universal level. School-based participants also focussed on ease of delivery and user friendliness as key determinants of programme utilisation

Leptin-dependent Phosphorylation of PTEN Mediates Actin Restructuring and Activation of ATP-sensitive K+ Channels

Leptin activates multiple signaling pathways in cells, including the phosphatidylinositol 3-kinase pathway, indicating a degree of cross-talk with insulin signaling. The exact mechanisms by which leptin alters this signaling pathway and how it relates to functional outputs are unclear at present. A previous study has established that leptin inhibits the activity of the phosphatase PTEN (phosphatase and tensin homolog deleted on chromosome 10), an important tumor suppressor and modifier of phosphoinositide signaling. In this study we demonstrate that leptin phosphorylates multiple sites on the C-terminal tail of PTEN in hypothalamic and pancreatic β-cells, an action not replicated by insulin. Inhibitors of the protein kinases CK2 and glycogen synthase kinase 3 (GSK3) block leptin-mediated PTEN phosphorylation. PTEN phosphorylation mutants reveal the critical role these sites play in transmission of the leptin signal to F-actin depolymerization. CK2 and GSK3 inhibitors also prevent leptin-mediated F-actin depolymerization and consequent ATP-sensitive K+ channel opening. GSK3 kinase activity is inhibited by insulin but not leptin in hypothalamic cells. Both hormones increase N-terminal GSK3 serine phosphorylation, but in hypothalamic cells this action of leptin is transient. Leptin, not insulin, increases GSK3 tyrosine phosphorylation in both cell types. These results demonstrate a significant role for PTEN in leptin signal transmission and identify GSK3 as a potential important signaling node contributing to divergent outputs for these hormones

The Double-Headed Eagle: Semi-Presidentialism and Democracy in France and Russia

It has become a commonplace observation in recent years that Russian democracy is in remission. Indeed there is a significant difference between the struggling democratic performance of Russia and that of a consolidated democracy such as France. The modern French and Russian states are both semi-presidential states, meaning that in each country executive power is shared between an elected president and an appointed prime minister who can (at least in theory) be voted out of office by the legislature. Despite this broad similarity, semi-presidential institutions are organized in significantly different ways in each country. This paper examines those differences in order to understand how they can help account for poor democratic performance in Russia and strong democratic performance in France. Four political institutions will be examined in each country: presidents, prime ministers, parliaments, and political parties. By comparing these institutions across two semi-presidential states, important differences can be unearthed and their implications for democratic performance analyzed. This paper concludes that, if anything, the Russian legislature is more independent than the French National Assembly, and more capable of influencing independent policies and laws. However, a weak vote of no-confidence means that the Russian legislature has little control over the selection of the prime minister and cabinet. This severely hobbles Russian political parties and creates a leadership class that is not dependent on party support for its position. These non-partisan leaders are therefore free to create the clientelistic 'parties of power' that have become characteristic of the Russian system. By contrast, the strong vote of no-confidence in the National Assembly obliges French national leaders to cultivate and reward political parties in order to build a supportive majority in the legislature. As a result, French parties are able to act as links between the state and society, while Russian society remains alienated from its leaders

Adaptive Electoral Manipulation in Hybrid Regimes: A Multi-Level Analysis of Vote-Buying and Ballot-Rigging in the 2011 Russian Election

Elections have become a commonplace feature of authoritarian regimes, yet the dynamics of such elections remain murky. Do authoritarian governments employ different strategies under different conditions to manipulate elections? This article considers the conditions under which electoral authoritarian regimes employ two such strategies, vote-buying and ballot-rigging. I propose new measures of vote-buying and ballot-rigging, and examine the correlates of each strategy using a multilevel analysis of data from the 2011 election in Russia's regions. I conclude that authoritarian regimes adapt to varying political conditions, and employ ballot-rigging strategies in places where the regime has a high degree of control over the political system. Vote-buying, by contrast, occurs when political competition is more elevated. These findings help resolve a debate over the relationship between political competitiveness and electoral fraud, in addition to helping illuminate how authoritarian regimes can ensure their survival even while allowing open competition.Master of Art

Associations Between Australian Pseudoscorpions and Ants

The distribution of three species of pseudoscorpions, found under the bark of blue gum Eucalyptus globulus, is closely correlated with the presence of three species of ants. Marachernes bellus is never found on trees without Anonychomyrma sp. near foetens, and Protochelifer victorianus and Paraustrochernes victorianus are more commonly found on trees with Technomyrmex jocosus and/or Tapinoma minutum. The distribution of another pseudoscorpion, Conicochernes sp., is not influenced by the presence of these ants. Observations of the behavior of these pseudoscorpions indicate that at least some species may be specialist predators of ants

Glucose-6-phosphate reduces calcium accumulation in rat brain endoplasmic reticulum

Brain cells expend large amounts of energy sequestering calcium (Ca2+), while loss of Ca2+ compartmentalization leads to cell damage or death. Upon cell entry, glucose is converted to glucose-6-phosphate (G6P), a parent substrate to several metabolic major pathways, including glycolysis. In several tissues, G6P alters the ability of the endoplasmic reticulum (ER) to sequester Ca2+. This led to the hypothesis that G6P regulates Ca2+ accumulation by acting as an endogenous ligand for sarco-endoplasmic reticulum calcium ATPase (SERCA). Whole brain ER microsomes were pooled from adult male Sprague-Dawley rats. Using radio-isotopic assays, 45Ca2+ accumulation was quantified following incubation with increasing amounts of G6P, in the presence or absence of thapsigargin, a potent SERCA inhibitor. To qualitatively assess SERCA activity, the simultaneous release of inorganic phosphate (Pi) coupled with Ca2+ accumulation was quantified. Addition of G6P significantly and decreased Ca2+ accumulation in a dose-dependent fashion (1–10 mM). The reduction in Ca2+ accumulation was not significantly different that seen with addition of thapsigargin. Addition of glucose-1-phosphate or fructose-6-phosphate, or other glucose metabolic pathway intermediates, had no effect on Ca2+ accumulation. Further, the release of Pi was markedly decreased, indicating G6P-mediated SERCA inhibition as the responsible mechanism for reduced Ca2+ uptake. Simultaneous addition of thapsigargin and G6P did decrease inorganic phosphate in comparison to either treatment alone, which suggests that the two treatments have different mechanisms of action. Therefore, G6P may be a novel, endogenous regulator of SERCA activity. Additionally, pathological conditions observed during disease states that disrupt glucose homeostasis, may be attributable to Ca2+ dystasis caused by altered G6P regulation of SERCA activity