Hierarchical Time-Optimal Planning for Multi-Vehicle Racing

This paper presents a hierarchical planning algorithm for racing with multiple opponents. The two-stage approach consists of a high-level behavioral planning step and a low-level optimization step. By combining discrete and continuous planning methods, our algorithm encourages global time optimality without being limited by coarse discretization. In the behavioral planning step, the fastest behavior is determined with a low-resolution spatio-temporal visibility graph. Based on the selected behavior, we calculate maneuver envelopes that are subsequently applied as constraints in a time-optimal control problem. The performance of our method is comparable to a parallel approach that selects the fastest trajectory from multiple optimizations with different behavior classes. However, our algorithm can be executed on a single core. This significantly reduces computational requirements, especially when multiple opponents are involved. Therefore, the proposed method is an efficient and practical solution for real-time multi-vehicle racing scenarios.Comment: 6 pages, accepted to be published as part of the 26th IEEE International Conference on Intelligent Transportation Systems (ITSC 2023), Bilbao, Bizkaia, Spain, September 24-28, 202

DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS

Između demokracije i ljudskih prava postoji dvostruk odnos: s jedne strane, povijesno se zahtjev za demokracijom pojavljuje kao rezultat jačanja osobnih prava pojedinaca, a demokratski se poredak uspostavlja kao jamac zaštite ljudskih prava, no s druge, među njima postoji i napetost, budući da ljudska prava valja štititi i od volje većine u demokratskoj državi. Kompleksan odnos demokracije i ljudskih prava autor razmatra s tri aspekta. Prvo istražuje vezu prava na političku participaciju i ideje ljudskih prava. Ta je veza nedvojbeno uspostavljena tek u 20. stoljeću, tako što je pravo na slobodu savjesti protumačeno i kao pravo na sudjelovanje u političkom komunikacijskom procesu kojim se ozbiljuje samoodređenje zajednice. Međutim, ako je moralno neupitno utemeljenje prava na demokratsku participaciju, njegova konkretna institucionalizacija suočena je s mnogim nedoumicama i izazovima. Autor nadalje analizira spor između liberalnog i republikanskog shvaćanja demokracije i ljudskih prava. Liberali smatraju da prirodnopravno utemeljena ljudska prava traže univerzalno poštovanje, dok je demokracija vrlo zahtjevan politički poredak, koji se u pojedinim društvima može uspostaviti tek ako su ostvarene brojne pretpostavke. Nasuprot tome, republikansko stajalište, koje zastupa Habermas, smatra da postoji unutarnja povezanost ljudskih prava i demokracije i stoga se oba načela moraju univerzalno ostvariti. Nadovezujući se na ovu raspravu, autor na kraju razmatra napetost između univerzalizma ljudskih prava i nužnog partikularizma demokracije. Ta se napetost ne može prevladati uspostavom svjetske države, nego se može ublažiti takvom formulacijom unutardržavno zajamčenih temeljnih prava koja će uključivati i ne-državljane, primjerice s pomoću prava na azil, kao i zahtjevom da se demokratske države globalno zauzmu za poštovanje ljudskih prava i uspostavu demokratskih institucija diljem svijeta.The relationship between democracy and human rights is twofold: on the one hand, the demand for democracy historically emerged as a result of increased individual rights – and the democratic regime was instituted as a guarantor of the protection of human rights. On the other hand, there is a tension between them, since within the democratic state human rights must be protected from the will of the majority. The author examines the complex relationship between democracy and human rights from three perspectives. First, he examines the connection between the right to political participation and the idea of human rights. This connection was unequivocally established only in the 20th century in the way that the right to the freedom of conscience was interpreted as the right to taking part in the political communication process that shapes a community’s self-definition. However, whereas the right to democratic participation is morally undeniably founded, its concrete institutionalization is faced with numerous dilemmas and challenges. The author further analyzes the controversy between the liberal and the republican understanding of democracy and human rights. Liberals claim that the foundation of human rights in the law of nature reguires universal respect, and that democracy is a rather challenging political regime that may be established in some societies only if some preconditions are already in place. Contrary to this, the republican view, as championed by Habermas, claims that there is an inherent link between human rights and democracy and thus both principles must be universally implemented. In the end, the author examines the tension between the universalism of human rights and the inherent particularism of democracy. This tension cannot be overcome by creating a global state, but may be alleviated by formulating a definition of internal state-guaranteed fundamental rights applicable to non-citizens as well, for example by the right to seek asylum, as well as by the requirement that all democratic communities globally promote respect for human rights and for the establishment of democratic institutions worldwide

GLOBAL JUSTICE, HUMAN RIGHTS AND ROLE OF GLOBAL LAW

Autor raspravlja o logici i tipovima ljudskih prava u uvjetima globalizacije. Osvrće se na prijedloge za njihovu globalnu institucionalizaciju polazeći od teze da je jače pravno normiranje globalnih pravnih režima na osnovi ljudskih prava u racionalnom interesu aktera globalnoga prava. Postoji pet glavnih prijedloga: demokratizacija svih država, svjetska institucionalizacija izravnog svjetskoga građanskoga prava, svjetska savezna republika, međunarodnopravna rješenja i globalno pravo. Globalnu institucionalizaciju ljudskih prava prate različite poteškoće pa ona zahtijeva različite pristupe koje treba shvatiti kao uzajamno korigirajuće. Globalno usmjerene slabe javnosti su svojevrsni forum, na kojemu se mora argumentirati o različitim relevantnostima pojedinih rješenja. One djeluju na globalne djelujuće jake javnosti. Autor zaključuje da zahtjev za globalnom pravednošću ostaje normativno mjerilo na koje se mora orijentirati to obrazovanje mnijenja i volje radi juridizacije ljudskih prava.The author deals with the background and the types of human rights in the era of globalization and looks into the proposals of their global institutionalization. His assumption is that the increased legal normatization of global legal regimes on the basis of human rights is in the rational interest of the actors of global law. There are five main ideas: the democratization of all states, the global institutionalization of the direct global civil law, the global federal republic, the international legal solutions and, the global law. The global institutionalization of human rights has been beset by various problems and it requires different approaches which should be seen as mutually corrective. The globally-oriented weak publics are a kind of a forum in which individual solutions’ relevance must be argumented. They affect the globally-operating strong publics. The author concludes that the demand for global justice remains a normative measure towards which the education of the public opinion and the public will must be oriented for the sake of the legal formulation of human rights

„Kolektywne” prawa człowieka źródłem ochrony mniejszości?

Protection of minorities is a current and worldwide political problem. Therefore, the article discusses Will Kymlicka’s proposals regarding an idea of a ‘collective’ right, that is, a right of which a holder is a collective. This kind of a right is supposed to extend the canon of human rights in order to include the collective rights (as human rights of the third generation).Protection of minorities is a current and worldwide political problem. Therefore, the article discusses Will Kymlicka’s proposals regarding an idea of a ‘collective’ right, that is, a right of which a holder is a collective. This kind of a right is supposed to extend the canon of human rights in order to include the collective rights (as human rights of the third generation)

“COLLECTIVE” HUMAN RIGHTS FOR PROTECTING MINORITIES?

Pod “kolektivnim” ljudskim pravima podrazumijevaju se ona prava čiji je nositelj kolektiv. Pri tome treba razlikovati individualna prava koja se mogu prakticirati samo kolektivno (biračko pravo). Zahtjevi za “kolektivnim” ljudskim pravima dovode do pojmovne zablude i teškoća u obrazlaganju, jer se univerzalni, egalitarni i kategorički postulat ljudskih prava ne može jednako utemeljiti za kolektive i individuume. Stoga se zaštita interesa manjina može osigurati jedino poštivanjem ograničeno shvaćenih individualnih ljudskih interesa, za što je nužno proširenje i veća važnost socijalnih ljudskih prava. U pojedinim su slučajevima smislena kolektivna prava radi zaštite ugroženih manjina, ali obrazložena u duhu izjednačujuće pravednosti. No takva kolektivna prava nisu moguća na razini ljudskih prava, nego su unutardržavna prava. Ona su stoga ograničena time da ne krše individualna ljudska prava.By “collective” human rights we understand the ones that belong to a collective. We should distinguish the individual rights which can be exercised only collectively (suffrage). The demands for “collective” human rights lead to misconceptions and explanatory problems since the universal, egalitarian, and categorical postulate of human rights cannot be equally valid for collectives and individuals. Thus, the protection of minorities’ interests can be solely procured by adopting a restricted definition of individual human rights which necessitates more and better respected social human rights. In some cases, collective rights were designed to protect endangered minorities but were justified by means of equalizing fairness. However, such collective rights are not possible at the level of human rights; they are regulated by special by-laws at the state level. Thus, they are restricted by the requirement that they do not violate individual human rights

RECHT, TUGEND UND DEMOKRATIE

Das politische Leben der Bundesrepublik ist in den letzten Jahren durch eine Reihe von Skandalen mitbestimmt gewesen, die, wie insbesondere die Spenden- und Finanzskandale der CDU, das Vertrauen der Bürger in den demokratischen, von Parteien mitgestalteten Rechtsstaat zu erschüttern scheinen. Aber nicht nur der „Parteienstaat“ ist in die Kritik geraten, Politik als solche erscheint vielen als „schmutziges Geschäft“, in dem Geld- und Machterwerb, Privilegien und Ehrerhalt über Recht und Gesetz gestellt werden. Kontrastierend dazu ist eine Remoralisierung der Politik zu beobachten, so die jüngsten Forderungen nach einem tugendhaften Lebenswandel von Politikern, und die Aufforderung, für vergangene Untaten öffentlich Buße zu tun. Das alles hat keineswegs zur „Krise des demokratischen Staates“ geführt, doch zeigen die vielen Artikel und Talkshows in den Medien, daß hier grundlegende Fragen aufgeworfen werden. Was dabei immer wieder neu austariert wird, ist das Verständnis des Verhältnisses von Tugend und Recht im demokratischen Rechts- und Verfassungsstaat. Welche Funktionen erfüllt das Recht und welche Bedeutung kommt den Tugenden im Rechtsstaat zu

Verfassungsgesetzgebung als historisches Ereignis der Verkörperung von Vernunft. Zur Verbindung von Demokratie Und menschenrechten

Based on three open questions, which Habermas poses at the end of his two-volume book “Also a History of Philosophy”, the national constitution-making of a people is reconstructed as an answer to the first question, following Julius Froebel. Already the elements of a public opinion formation answer the third question, in which the constitution- making can already establish the egalitarian universalism of the human rights, which then become constituted basic and human rights in the general will-making. However, the open questions and ambivalent solutions of the national constitutional formulations, such as the promotion of capitalist economy or political de-democratizations, make it clear that the answer to the second question in international human rights must remain open and require morally unbound efforts

Spinresolved collisions of electrons with rubidium atoms: a search for relativistic effects

The search for relativistic effects in electron-alkali scattering is currently a topic of considerable interest. The A2 spin asymmetry parameter is a direct measure of relativistic effects in the electron-atom collision process, as it is entirely dependent on the spin-orbit effect. We present measurements of the A2 spin asymmetry for the 5S 5P transition in rubidium at incident energies of 15, 20, 30 and 50 eV and for elastic scattering at 15, 20, 30, 50 and 80eV. Our results indicate that under these collision conditions, relativistic effects are measurable, in qualitative agreement with the available theory