El tratamiento del acuerdo por las libertades y en contra del Terrorismo en los Medios de Comunicación

Este trabajo de investigación analiza la capacidad de los medios de comunicación en general, y de la prensa escrita en concreto, en el complejo proceso de elaboración del orden del día político. El contexto donde cobra sentido la aplicación del cuerpo doctrinal de referencia, el de Las teorías del Agenda-Setting, está circunscrito al conflicto del País Vasco. En definitiva, lo que se trata de verificar, tras la aplicación de una metodología escorada a planteamientos cuantitativos, es en qué medida el Acuerdo por las Libertades y en contra del terrorismo, firmado por las dos fuerzas políticas principales en diciembre de 2000, fue la respuesta política a un estímulo mediático.This study analyses the capacity of mass media in general, and particularly the press, in the complex process of setting the political priorities. The specific context where this theoretical framework of reference (agenda-set ming) is employed is the Basque conflict. Moreover, after the application of quantitative methodology, the objective is to verify to what extent the Treatv for Libertv and Against Terrorism, signed by the two main Spanish political forces in December 2000, is the political result of a media stimulus

Populist contagion or anti-elitism in opposition? PSOE’s response to the emergence of Podemos

This article assesses the possible populist discourse contagion experienced by the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) due to the irruption of Podemos. To this end, a content analysis has been carried out on a selection of PSOE manifestos for national and European elections, published between 2004 and 2019. The results show that the evolution of PSOE’s anti-elitism is not necessarily related to the competition with Podemos but to the party’s opposition status, especially in contexts of citizen discontent. Therefore, the main results suggest that the political decline of traditional parties could be a more decisive factor than the emergence and rise of new parties, when explaining the shifts in party identity. In addition, the article shows that populist messages have played three main functions in PSOE’s manifestos: i) to show empathy with and understanding of people’s unrest in contexts of citizen dissatisfaction; ii) to attack the main political competitor when the party is in opposition; and iii) to use economic powers and other elites as scapegoats, especially when the party is in government.Este artículo analiza el posible contagio del discurso populista experimentado por el Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) por la irrupción de Podemos. Para ello se ha realizado un análisis de contenido en una selección de programas electorales nacionales y europeos del PSOE publicados entre 2004 y 2019. Los resultados muestran que la evolución del antielitismo en los programas del PSOE no está necesariamente relacionada con la competición con Podemos, sino con el estatus de oposición del partido, especialmente en contextos de descontento ciudadano. Por tanto, los principales resultados sugieren que el declive político de los partidos tradicionales podría ser un factor más decisivo que el surgimiento y el auge de nuevos partidos a la hora de explicar los cambios en la identidad de los mismos. Asimismo, el artículo muestra que los mensajes populistas han jugado tres funciones principales en los programas del PSOE: mostrar empatía y comprensión con el malestar del pueblo en contextos de insatisfacción ciudadana; atacar al competidor principal cuando el partido está en la oposición, y utilizar los poderes económicos y otras élites como chivos expiatorios, especialmente cuando el partido está en el Gobierno

Desafectos y medios de comunicación: El estado de la cuestión de una relación difusa

ResumenEl presente trabajo pretende plantear el estado de la cuestión de los estudios que, enmarcados dentro de las teorías de los efectos de la comunicación política, se han venido ocupando en las últimas décadas de desencriptar la compleja relación entre la extensión de los patrones de desafección política entre los ciudadanos de las democracias contemporáneas, por un lado, y las dinámicas con las que los medios de comunicación vienen ocupándose de los asuntos de carácter político, por otro.Palabras clave: Comunicación política, Malestar mediático, Desafección política.&nbsp

Disaffections and the media: The state of the question of a diffuse relationship

El presente trabajo pretende plantear el estado de la cuestión de los estudios que, enmarcados dentro de las teorías de los efectos de la comunicación política, se han venido ocupando en las últimas décadas de desencriptar la compleja relación entre la extensión de los patrones de desafección política entre los ciudadanos de las democracias contemporáneas, por un lado, y las dinámicas con las que los medios de comunicación vienen ocupándose de los asuntos de carácter político, por otro. Una vez planteado el modo en el que se han ido cristalizando las posiciones en relación al objeto de estudio, se expondrán en prospectiva los retos a los que politólogos y expertos en comunicación han de enfrentarse para superar los límites de diversa naturaleza que se han ido sedimentando en el áreaThis piece of work tries to depict the state of the odds of an area that, framed within the theories of the effects in political communication, during last decades has been focused on understanding the difficult relations-hip between, by one hand, the extension of political disaffection feelings among the citizens of contemporary democracies and, by the other hand, the dynamics that defined the way media has treated political issues.Once the way that different positions have been consolidated as to the to-pic under study is stated, the challenges that political and media scientists have to face in order to overcome diverse limits that have been accumula-ted in this discipline will be presented from a prospective point of vie

Measuring Online Political Dialogue: Does Polarization Trigger More Deliberation?

In recent years, we have witnessed an increasing consolidation of different realms where citizens can deliberate and discuss a variety of topics of general interest, including politics. The comments on news posts in online media are a good example. The first theoretical contributions called attention to the potential of those spaces to build a healthy (civic and participatory) public sphere, going much deeper in the process of political dialogue and deliberation (Fung, Gilman, & Shkabatur, 2013; Lilleker & Jackson, 2008; O’Reilly, 2005; Stromer-Galley & Wichowski, 2011). Polarization has been configured as a constant feature of the quality of the mentioned dialogues, particularly in Mediterranean countries (polarized pluralists’ cases). One of the research challenges at the moment has to do with the scrutiny of polarization within the political deliberation provoked by news stories. The goal of this article is the analysis of political dialogue from the perspective of the polarization in the increasingly popular network YouTube, which is presenting very particular characteristics. Using a sample of almost 400,000 posted comments about diverse topics (climate change, the Catalonian crisis, and Political parties’ electoral ads) we propose an automated method in order to measure polarization. Our hypothesis is that the number of comments (quantitative variable) is positively related to their polarization (qualitative variable). We will also include in the examination information about the ideological editorial line of newspapers, the type of topic under discussion, the amount of traceable dialogue, etc. We propose an index to (1) measure the polarization of each comment and use it to show how this value has behaved over time; and (2) verify the hypothesis using the average polarization of comments for each video

The rise of the radical right in Iberian countries

Spain and Portugal were prominent examples of party systems with no far-right options represented in the Parliament, but something has changed in the last few years. In the April 2019 elections, the Spanish radical right-wing party, Vox, obtained 10.3 per cent of the votes and 24 seats. A few months later, a radical right-wing party, Chega, entered the Portuguese parliament for the first time since the end of the Salazar dictatorship. At present, Vox is the third party in the Spanish parliament in votes and seats after the repetition of the elections in November 2019 while Chega already has 12 seats in the Portuguese parliament after the latest elections held in January of 2022. In addition to parliamentary support for several centre-right governments at the regional level, Vox achieved executive power in one region after agreeing to form a coalition government with the Popular Party in Castilla y León in March 2022. This paper aims to analyse the reasons for the mentioned delay in the representation of those parties and the exceptionalism, if any, of the Iberian cases compared to other countries in Europe. In addition, this paper tries to identify potential differences and similarities between the two Iberian cases. For that, hypotheses from the demand and supply sides will be tested using a comparative approach. This paper argues that the current difference in votes of the radical right in Spain and Portugal is due to the succession of two crises that mobilize identity issues such as national unity and immigration in Spain, especially the first one. This, together with the advance of feminist and LGTBI movements, and the growing political polarization around the country’s authoritarian past, has pushed the political debate in Spain to pivot more around socio-cultural issues than in Portugal, which it is still more focused on socio-economic issues.Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tec

Different paths, same outcome: The electoral success of populist parties in Western Europe. An analysis proposal

The aim of this article is to analyse the electoral settings favorable to the populist parties in Western Europe after the economic crisis. To this end, a comparative process tracing has been applied to a selection of cases (Spain 2011-‍15, United Kingdom 2010-‍15 and Sweden 2010-‍14) after a fuzzy Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) to 26 general elections held in Western Europe between 2010 and 2015. The results suggest that the electoral success achieved by these parties cannot be explained by a single causal condition, but different paths can lead to the same phenomenon: on the one hand, a very favorable demand (high levels of dissatisfaction and political mistrust) can be sufficient to explain the electoral success of these parties, even when competing within an unfavorable political and institutional context; on the other hand, certain party competition patterns (coalitions and convergence in proportional electoral systems) can be sufficient, even if demand is unfavorable. Finally, this analytical proposal can be extended to the study of other types of political organisations, such as the so-called anti-immigrant parties.</span

Populist parties in Western Europe. An analysis of the three core elements of populism

Populism has become a widespread phenomenon across Western Europe, especially after the economic crisis of 2008. However, we can still observe some confusion in the academy and the media about the definition of populism, which has led to a very contested and vague use of the term. This article aims to contribute to the conceptual clarification of populism, analysing its presence in a selection of political parties in four Western European countries, and separating the core elements from those of their host ideologies. In order to reach our goals, we conducted a content analysis of a selection of electoral manifestos of eight political parties: Podemos, Sinn Féin, United Kingdom Independence Party and Swiss People’s Party (populist parties); Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party, Labour Party, Conservative Party and Green Liberal Party of Switzerland (non-populist parties from the same countries). Regarding the methodological approach, we ran a classical content analysis and Key Words in Context content analysis. On the one hand, our results confirm that the minimal definition of populism used in this research is consistent to differentiate between populist and non-populist parties. On the other hand, conclusions also show that host ideologies are the main source of divergences between populist parties, especially the presence or absence of nativism

Inteligencia artificial (IA) y robots ante el sistema fiscal. Nuevas fuentes de recaudación para la sostenibilidad del estado de bienestar

Este Trabajo de Fin de Grado centra su estudio en la repercusión que puede tener sobre el sistema recaudatorio, en concreto en términos de reducción de ingresos en concepto de Impuesto sobre la Renta de las Personas Físicas, la sustitución de trabajadores personas físicas por Robots debido a la automatización de algunos puestos de trabajo, como consecuencia del desarrollo de las nuevas tecnologías y la Inteligencia Artificial, y el riesgo que puede tener en términos de sostenibilidad de los Sistemas de Seguridad Social y el Estado de Bienestar. En este sentido, se ha llevado a cabo un análisis de las posibles vías de solución del anterior problema, que han abarcado desde la creación de un nuevo impuesto con la deliberación sobre todos los elementos del mismo, y que recaería sobre los robots, estableciendo el ulterior responsable del pago del mismo, hasta la supresión o limitación de los incentivos fiscales al I+D+I, en consecuencia con las actuaciones de otros países, lo que se ha denominado como Modelo Coreano, entrando en el análisis concreto de la Ley del Impuesto sobre Sociedades. <br /