GENERALIZATION OF VON-NEUMANN REGULAR RINGS TO VON-NEUMANN REGULAR MODULES

An element r in a commutative ring R is called regular if there exist s∈R such that rsr=r. Ring R is called vN (von-Neumann)-regular ring if every element is regular. Recall that for any ring R always can be considered as module over itself. Using the fact, it is natural to generalize the definition of vN-regular ring to vN-regular module. Depend on the ways in generalizing there will be some different version in defining the vN-regular module. The first who defined the concept of regular module is Fieldhouse. Secondly Ramamuthi and Rangaswamy defined the concept of strongly regular module of Fieldhouse by giving stronger requirement. Afterward Jayaram and Tekir defined the concept of vN-regular module by generalizing the regular element in ring to regular element in R-module M. In this paper we investigate the properties of each module regular and the linkages between each vN-regular module

The Grizzly, February 25, 2010

Airband Date Auction Meets, Surpasses Goal • Drawing the Curtain Opens at the Berman Museum • Spread the Word to End the R Word Next Week • Student-Athlete Advisory Committee Takes UC Athletics Beyond the Fieldhouse • Snow Photos • Author Speaks on Campus About Bringing Nature Home • Skin We\u27re In Addresses Self-Esteem Issues • Cutting Down Waste by Recycling Kegs Instead of Canshttps://digitalcommons.ursinus.edu/grizzlynews/1807/thumbnail.jp

Is All Campaigning Equally Positive? The Impact of District Level Campaigning on Voter Turnout at the 2010 British General Election

A significant comparative literature suggests that campaigning efforts by political parties impact positively, both in terms of mobilization and turnout. However, effects are not uniform. They may be affected by the electoral system used, the electoral circumstances and effectiveness of party management. Studies of district-level constituency campaigning in Britain have identified two important trends. First, that effective targeting is a core component of a successful district campaign strategy in terms of delivering electoral payoffs and that, over time, political parties have become better at targeting resources where they are needed most. While improvements in targeting have helped ensure that all three principal parties’ campaigns have tended to deliver electoral payoffs, a question has arisen as to whether increasingly ruthless partisan targeting by parties could have detrimental effects on overall levels of turnout. Second, they have shown how campaign techniques are continuously being modernised but that, despite these changes, just as in other democracies, more traditional labour-intensive campaigning tends to produce stronger electoral payoffs. This article therefore considers three questions in respect of the impact of district level campaigns on turnout: whether the combined campaign efforts of the three principal parties in Britain are associated with higher levels of turnout; whether the different campaigning styles of parties affect levels of turnout equally; and whether the campaigning efforts of different parties have differential effects on turnout and whether intense partisan targeting does indeed impact upon turnout overall. It shows that while campaigning boosts turnout, the impact varies by campaign technique and by party, as a function not only of targeting but also of electoral context

You get what you (don’t) pay for: The impact of volunteer labour and candidate spending at the 2010 British general election

The published version of this article is fully available from the publisher at the link below.Repeated evidence in Britain demonstrates the positive electoral payoffs from constituency campaigning. However, the impact of such campaigning varies depending upon the electoral context and the effectiveness of campaign management. Debate also exists in respect of the relative impact of traditional versus more modern campaign techniques, as well as between campaign techniques that incur cost and those that are carried out voluntarily. Such debates are of interest not only to academics and political parties, but also to regulators when considering whether to restrict campaign spending in the interests of electoral parity. This article uses candidate spending data and responses to an extensive survey of election agents at the British General Election of 2010 to assess the impact of both campaign expenditure and free, voluntary labour on electoral performance. It suggests that both have some independent impact, but that impact varies by party. The implications of these results are highly significant in both academic and regulatory terms—campaign expenditure can affect electoral outcomes but these effects are offset to some extent by voluntary efforts

CIVIC LIFE: Evidence Base for the Triennial Review

This document forms part of the Equality and Human Rights Commission triennial review and covers equalities in civic life. It examines equality in political participation, freedom of language and freedom of worship. The primary aim is to map the various dimensions of equality and inequality in participation in civic and political life. We explore and review equalities, good relations and human rights in relation to civic life, and where possible we examine some of the driving forces behind the differences that we observe

Constituency campaigning at the 2015 general election

The context of the 2015 general election suggested that the electoral impact of parties’ constituency campaigns could vary as a consequence in particular of the relative unpopularity of the Liberal Democrats. Using data from a survey of election agents, this paper analyses how the main GB level political parties adapted the intensity of their constituency level campaign’s to ensure that to varying degrees they produced positive electoral payoffs. It further analyses the electoral effects of face-to-face campaigning and e-campaigning at constituency level and shows that while e-campaigning has grown in importance, face-to-face campaigning continues to deliver stronger electoral benefits. Overall, the 2015 election illustrated that intense constituency level campaigning continues to be electorally beneficial for all the parties, but that this was the election when the Conservative Party became genuinely effective in terms of the delivery of electoral payoffs.This research was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (Grant No. ES/M007251/1

Voting Patterns, Party Spending and Space in England and Wales

There is a growing body of literature which suggests that voting patterns are not independent from space yet few empirical investigations exist which take explicit account of space. This article examines the determinants of voting patterns across constituencies in England and Wales using spatial econometric methods. The results suggest that while socioeconomic factors are key determinants of party vote shares in constituencies, there is strong spatial autocorrelation in voting patterns. We find that each major political party is influenced by space to different extents with the Liberal Democrats visibly exploiting spatial autocorrelation to increase their vote shares.2005 General Election, voting patterns, political party spending; spatial regression

The electoral effectiveness of constituency campaigning in the 2010 British General Election: The ‘triumph’ of Labour?

This is the post-print version of the final paper published in Electoral Studies. The published article is available from the link below. Changes resulting from the publishing process, such as peer review, editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control mechanisms may not be reflected in this document. Changes may have been made to this work since it was submitted for publication. Copyright @ 2011 Elsevier B.V.This article establishes a model of likely campaign effectiveness, before examining the intensity of constituency campaigning at the 2010 general election in Britain and its subsequent impact on electoral outcomes, using both aggregate and individual level data. It shows that constituency campaigning yielded benefits in varying degrees for all three main parties and that Labour’s constituency campaign efforts were effective despite the electoral context, and ultimately affected the overall outcome of the election. These findings have significant implications for our understanding of the circumstances under which campaigns are likely to be more or less effective, and provide further evidence that a carefully managed campaign stands the most chance of delivering tangible electoral payoffs

What is the association between sickness absence, mortality and morbidity?

This paper examines the area-level relationships in England and Wales between sickness absence (‘incapacity benefit’), mortality and morbidity. It uses a random sample of incapacity benefit claims, and population counts of mortality and Census morbidity for local government districts. Although there is little correspondence between sickness absence claims by specific cause and mortality, all cause sickness absence has a strong relationship with all cause mortality (male r 0.74, p=0.00; female r 0.64, p=0.00) and it also has a very strong relationship with the Census measures of morbidity: LLTI (male r 0.98, p=0.00; female r 0.97, p=0.00) and ‘not good health’ (male r 0.99, p=0.00; female r 0.96, p=0.00). Incapacity benefit claims by all causes has the potential to provide an ongoing measure of area-level health in England and Wales