The role of unions in intellectual, technological and physical education

The aims are to identify the role of unions in intellectual, technological and physical education of the workers and examine the main motivations of Brazilian union centrals for proposing educational initiatives, according to the existing literature on the subject. The central arguments point out that the intellectual education initiatives provided by unions should seek primarily to demonstrate the importance of dialogue in the educational process rather than merely transmit knowledge. The technological education initiatives may take the form of courses, workshops and lectures promoted by such entities, which could predominantly aim at raising workers’ awareness of the notion of “social technology”. The physical education initiatives – many focused on sports practices and body awareness – could predominantly move away from hygienist projects, get closer to the promotion of physical and mental well-being not to improve the workers’ performance in the workplace, but their quality of life outside the workplace, and achieve greater social integration. The authors conclude that, in fact, the most important union centrals in Brazil sought educational initiatives as ways of garnering workers’ support for projects that served the capitalist interests

The unfulfilled promise of education for creative economy in Brazil

The aim is to examine why the promise that education for creative economy could be the engine for socioeconomic development – present in the academic work on creative economy and the political discourse of some leaders and political parties – remains unfulfilled in Brazil. The central argument indicates that the promise was unfulfilled because the maintenance of rigid curricular guidelines in basic, secondary and higher education limits the development of skills and abilities to deal with the constant transformations of creative economy. The unfulfillment of this promise can also be explained by the fact that the financial crisis – motivated by the adverse international economic situation and the political chaos caused by allegations of corruption and misappropriation of funds by politicians and businessmen – made the Brazilian government reduce investments in research and the maintenance of public institutions. The private institutions of basic and secondary education which prepare students for creative economy charge high monthly fees, which is not affordable for the greatest part of Brazilian population, and the Brazilian state does not seem to work to extend this education model for other public and private schools. Many private universities also suffer from the limitation of student financing programs. The transdisciplinarity among the three knowledge pillars of creative economy – technical / scientific, cultural / creative and business pillars –, as well as the valuation of traditional knowledge and practices and the formation of critical thinking in the light of political-economic and socio-cultural dynamics, is being ruined in Brazil

The politics of disdain: Cultural heritage education in Rio de Janeiro

The aim of the article is to examine the situation of cultural heritage education in Rio de Janeiro. The main argument indicates that the cultural heritage education is neglected in the city. The abandonment of the tangible heritage and the disregard for the intangible heritage are associated to the lack of significant experiences recorded in the citizens’ memories. This situation is linked to the lack of major efforts by the government in cultural ​​heritage education, which creates a scenario where heritage does not appear significantly in the reinterpretations of the past by a vast part of the population to the point of establishing links of affection, essential for the conservation of heritage assets. The abandonment of cultural heritage by the public institutions and the neglect of civil society in relation to the “places of memory” are accentuated in Rio de Janeiro by the pressure of the increased demand for housing spaces and formal and informal commerce, which has particularly accelerated the destruction of tangible heritage, and the action of elites that highlight specific past experiences linked to them and try to impose their specific memory on other social segments, which does not generate the identification between a huge part of the population and the cultural heritage. The solution for the crisis becomes harder with the lack of economic resources to promote cultural heritage initiatives and even preserve cultural assets, the misuse of money devoted to cultural heritage because of corruption schemes and the maintenance of a pragmatic perspective on education that directs efforts for functional activities and lacks the critical view about past political, economic and social issues

The Strategy of Chaos: Brazilian Foreign Policy under Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022)

The aims of the article are to identify the main factors that have defined Brazil’s international insertion during Jair Bolsonaro’s administration as well as to explain the main foreign policy changes from 2019 to 2022. I argue that, although the alignment with the Donald Trump’s administration structured the main axes of Bolsonaro’s foreign policy and the ideological discourse in foreign policy has not been abandoned by the Brazilian government during Bolsonaro’s term, some adjustments were necessary in sensitive topics such as relations with China and the Venezuelan crisis to adapt to the interests of relevant segments of Brazilian politics. Bolsonaro’s foreign policy depends heavily on the outcome of the struggle between the pragmatic economic and military members of his administration on one side, and the religious and conservative ideologists on the other. The conclusions indicate that domestic interests – particularly the need to please Bolsonaro’s political base, which turned Brazil into a violator of indigenous, LGBTQIAP+, and other minorities’ rights – are more important than global commitments Brazil has previously assumed

Creative economy, authenticity and peripheral memories: the favela souvenirs in Rio de Janeiro

The aim is to examine the economic and cultural roles of the favela souvenirs for Rio de Janeiro’s slums, with the focus on the work of a male artist from Santa Teresa (an old neighbourhood, on the top tod a hill in the central region of the city, with great tourist appeal and strong contrast between mansions and one of the poorest and most violent communities of Rio). The main argument indicates that favela souvenirs generate income and jobs not only for craft workers, but indirectly for tourist guides, food services and other creative sectors connected to the favela tourism. When these souvenirs are original and truth-telling, they may stimulate a better perception of the favelas in tourists and consolidate them as tourist destinations, despite the aggravation of violence in many slums in Rio de Janeiro. Favela souvenirs also carry the memories of the city’s periphery, which is sometimes seen as secondary in Rio de Janeiro’s long-established tourist images and “generic souvenirs”. They offer greater visibility to the cultural production of marginalized social groups, which fuels potentially transformative views about the favelas and bring about the discussion on the lives of those who live in these areas. In the case of the work of the considered artist, it is possible to say that his paintings have elements of the “objective authenticity” of souvenirs, which contrast with a preconceived idea of an “imaginary favela” in his treatment of Santa Teresa’s poorest communities. However, there are some aspects of standardization in his pictorial production and simulation in the process of elaboration of the artist’s work during tourists’ visits to his studio

“A luta continua, companheiros... mas não para todos”: o esvaziamento das pautas LGBT no Sindicato de Trabalhadores em Educação da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro

O objetivo é examinar o esvaziamento das discussões sobre direitos civis e trabalhistas LGBT no Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (SINTUFRJ). O argumento central aponta que o SINTUFRJ assumiu papel primordial na mobilização contra a precarização do trabalho dos técnico-administrativos em educação (TAEs) na UFRJ e nas demais universidades federais no Brasil. Entretanto, o engajamento do SINTUFRJ na transformação dos TAEs em sujeitos políticos e sociais não pressupôs a eliminação de padrões heteronormativos no estabelecimento de objetivos, estratégias e mecanismos de reivindicação sindicais, de forma a se enfraquecer a atuação do grupo de trabalho LGBT do SINTUFRJ e se reduzir o peso das temáticas LGBT nas propostas do sindicato

O mundo na primeira página: mídia, política externa e diplomacia

O objetivo é examinar a atuação da mídia nos processos de formulação e de tomada de decisões relacionadas à política externa e na atividade diplomática. Argumenta-se que, na formulação e na tomada de decisões de política externa, a mídia pode atuar como 1) uma criadora de ambientes de política externa ao ter um papel importante na definição de agenda por conferir prestígio e ampliar a autoridade de indivíduos e grupos legitimando seu status; 2) uma parte do ambiente que os formuladores de política externa tentam afetar ou influenciar ao formularem decisões políticas e, ao mesmo tempo, melhorarem suas imagens. Na atividade diplomática, a mídia pode atuar como 1) um instrumento de diplomacia pública, que atores estatais e não-estatais usam a fim de influenciar a opinião pública em sociedades estrangeiras; 2) um meio pelo qual funcionários do Estado buscam se comunicar com atores estrangeiros e promover a resolução de conflitos; 3) uma mediadora em negociações internacionais, que pode também estimular a reflexão crítica de partes em disputa a respeito do assunto em questão

NOITES TROPICAIS: O BRASIL E A NOVA ERA DA NÃO PROLIFERAÇÃO E DO DESARMAMENTO NUCLEARES (2003-2010)

O objetivo deste artigo é examinar as posições defendidas pelo Brasil durante a administração Lula(2003-2010) quanto à não proliferação, ao desarmamento e aos usos pacíficos da energia nuclear. Oargumento central aponta que o Brasil consolidava aspirações presentes em momentos anteriores e desejavacolocar-se como interlocutor entre os estados nuclearmente e não nuclearmente armados, a fim de reforçarsua posição como um solucionador de disputas e beneficiar-se em termos de uma maior participação nosfóruns internacionais, em particular da ampliação de sua atuação no desenvolvimento de regras e normasque limitassem ações unilaterais de grandes potências e preservassem a flexibilidade para a articulaçãodos interesses de estados emergentes. O Brasil almejava pressionar os estados nuclearmente armados paraque cumprissem suas obrigações de desarmamento, enquanto procurava preservar a autonomia paradesenvolver atividades nucleares pacíficas. Na primeira seção, são examinados o desenvolvimento doprograma nuclear brasileiro e a posição do Estado quanto a regimes internacionais nas áreas de nãoproliferação e desarmamento nucleares. Nas seções seguintes, é investigada a posição da administraçãoLula quanto à não proliferação e aos usos pacíficos da energia nuclear e, a seguir, ao desarmamentonuclear. Dentre as conclusões atingidas, cabe destacar que, ao mesmo tempo em que o Brasil viabilizou odiálogo com as potências do Norte e garantiu estabilidade e segurança regionais, ele operou comocatalisador das demandas de estados em instituições nas quais buscavam ampliar oportunidades de voz

JUNTOS NUM SÓ RITMO ? DIPLOMACIA E ESPORTE INTERNACIONAL

O objetivo é examinar as possíveis relações entre a diplomacia e o esporte internacional. Argumenta-se que o emprego do esporte internacional como instrumento diplomático pode trazer flexibilidade para testar forças e fraquezas de relações diplomáticas além das posições políticas oficiais e explorar mudanças políticas, mas os intercâmbios esportivos podem ser ferramentas para punir ou provocar Estados. Os efeitos mais duradouros do esporte internacional sobre a diplomacia são a suspensão e a sublimação do conflito entre entidades políticas, mas o esporte internacional pode também elevar as tensões nacionais e exacerbar relações complicadas. A diplomacia especializada do esporte internacional cria plataformas para a cooperação entre governos de Estados e atores não-estatais visando ao desenvolvimento, mas muitos governos contraem dívidas enormes e têm que honrar “dívidas diplomáticas” com parceiros que apoiam suas campanhas para sediar eventos esportivos. Além disso, os custos sociais de tais eventos podem ser elevados