322 research outputs found

    Souci et connexion dans l’éthique de la politique gĂ©nĂ©rale

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    Ce texte porte sur l'Ă©laboration des politiques publiques Ă  partir d'une perspective consĂ©quentialiste basĂ©e sur les probabilitĂ©s. En utilisant l'exemple de la dissuasion par la menace nuclĂ©aire, je montre que ceux qui sont vĂ©ritablement dĂ©vouĂ©s Ă  la protection de l'environnement, ceux qui se soucient vĂ©ritablement du problĂšme de l'environnement devraient refuser le consĂ©quentialisme basĂ© sur les probabilitĂ©s sans le principe de la reconsideration, un principe que nous proposons ici pour la premiĂšre fois, le principe de la reconsideration doit ĂȘtre adoptĂ© parce que, sans lui, le consĂ©quentialisme basĂ© sur les probabilitĂ©s pourrait justifier qu'on poursuive l'application de politiques mĂȘme lorsque celles-ci se sont rĂ©vĂ©lĂ©es inadĂ©quates, et mĂȘme lorsqu'elles minent elles-mĂȘmes leurs chances de succĂšs. On peut ainsi conclure que le principe de la reconsidĂ©ration est nĂ©cessaire pour assurer le lien entre les politiques justificatrices et leur succĂšs.This paper examines the making of public policy from a probability-based consequentialist perspective. Using nuclear deterrence policies as an example, I show that those truly committed environmental protection, those who truly care about the environment should not accept probability-based consequentialism without the reconsideration principle, a principle introduced in this paper. The reconsideration principle must be accepted, because without it, probability-based consequentialism can justify continuing to act on policies even when they have failed, and even when they undermine their original goal altogether. Thus, we conclude that the reconsideration principle is neeaed to insure connection between the justification policies and their success

    Balance of Power or Principle of Nationality? The Evolution of French Plans towards East-Central Europe during the War

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    In August 1914, France had already defined a pattern of war aims which would be shaped andamended during the next four years. Regarding East-Central Europe, two approaches presentthemselves to the French policy-makers: the classic system of alliances to maintain the balanceof power, and the new internationalist doctrine implying the priority application of the principleof nationality. Both these concepts reacted to the geopolitical evolutions which occurredduring the Great War. The article analyses these evolutions of the French concept of a ‘worldorder’ in East-Central Europe between 1914 and 1918 primarily through an examination of thecase of Poland.Key Words: First World War, security policy, alliances, self-determination, war aims, successorstates. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/ahuk.v31i0.119

    Success vs. Survival: The Challenges of Teaching K-12 School Music in South Metro Atlanta

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    Music education has been an essential part of American education and society. Since the earliest beginning of our nation\u27s founding, many proponents of music education successfully advocated for musicians to teach music as a curricular discipline within the core of academics. Still, changes continue to occur with governmental reform and educational policies. Coupled with the demographic changes within our society, successful and influential music education has become a difficult challenge for many educators who teach within communities with limited resources. Many teacher-educator preparation programs across the nation modify curriculums to meet the concerns of an ever-changing society, including socioeconomic status, funding deficiency, and cultural diversity. This study utilizes a qualitative research study with the topic “Success vs. Survival” to identify teacher perspectives exploring and documenting music programs specific to schools in south metro Atlanta. The researcher examines root causes, suggestions from study participants, and suggestions for improvement. Although many publications address this topic, there are few location-specific essays. This study utilizes a qualitative research study to identify teacher perspectives exploring and documenting music programs specific to schools in south metro Atlanta. The thesis includes survey and ethnographic research in the form of surveys and interviews from the perspective of the subjects, who are music teachers of all grade levels. Finally, the dissertation examines the challenges of teaching music education in urban and low-income communities. It offers the professional experiences and perspectives of music educators who serve Title I and low-income school districts in south metro Atlanta. Using the testimonies and experiences of experts in the field, the author provides insight into some methods and means to recondition these issues

    Comment exister au centre de l’Europe ?

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    Les relations franco-polonaises sont un bon indicateur de l’état du systĂšme europĂ©en : en ce sens, la politique d’indĂ©pendance de la Pologne, en plus de la lĂ©gitimitĂ© que lui confĂšre sa pleine souverainetĂ© nationale, est aussi une rĂ©action Ă  la perte de puissance de la France. Les dirigeants français, nombreux Ă  se succĂ©der durant la IIIe RĂ©publique, ont eu des visions diffĂ©rentes de la politique Ă  adopter Ă  l’égard de la Pologne. Tous s’accordent cependant sur deux points : ce pays est un interlocuteur indispensable de la politique de sĂ©curitĂ© française, mais il outrepasse son rĂŽle lorsqu’il prĂ©tend prendre part aux nĂ©gociations dĂ©cisives entre grandes puissances. DĂšs lors, l’intimitĂ© que la France lui refuse, c’est auprĂšs de l’Allemagne que le colonel Beck va la chercher. À plusieurs reprises durant les annĂ©es 1930, le gouvernement polonais tente de participer Ă  un Ă©ventuel directoire europĂ©en dont elle paraĂźt de plus en plus incapable de prĂ©venir le fait accompli. De la crise de Munich, rĂ©sulte, au dĂ©but de l’annĂ©e 1939, la tentation trĂšs rĂ©elle du Quai d’Orsay et de l’état-major de dĂ©noncer unilatĂ©ralement ce que l’on a appelĂ© l’alliance polonaise.How to exist at the center of Europe? Strategic Franco-Polish relations between 1918 and 1939.  Franco-Polish relations are a good indicator of the state of the European system: in this sense, the political independence of Poland, in addition to the legitimacy conferred by its full national sovereignty, was also a reaction to the loss of power by France. French leaders, many of whom followed each other during the Third Republic, had different views about what policy to adopt towards Poland. However, all agreed on two points: that country is an indispensable interlocutor of French national security policy, but it exaggerates its role when it claims to take part in crucial negotiations between major powers. Therefore, the closeness that France denied it is what Beck will seek for her from Germany. On several occasions during the 1930s, the Polish government tried to participate in a possible European directorate which appeared increasingly incapable of preventing a fait accompli. From the Munich crisis, came, in early 1939, the very real temptation for the Quai d'Orsay and the general staff to renounce unilaterally what has been called the Polish alliance

    The Impacts of the Peer-to-Peer Platform on the Traditional Lodging Industry: Emerging Trends and Implications for Greater Los Angeles (U.S.A) and Barcelona (Spain)

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    This paper presents a comparative analysis of trends in peer-to-peer lodging and their impacts on the lodging industry of the metropolitan regions of Greater Los Angeles, California, USA, and Barcelona, Spain. The main research question is whether the emerging peer-to-peer lodging platforms, part of the exploding sharing economy, are competitive or complementary to the traditional lodging industry. Data was obtained from secondary sources and collected in 24 field interviews. The study found variations in the complementarity/competitiveness balance, depending on the market segment in the hospitality industry and regulatory environment. The paper draws recommendations for hotel competitiveness and policy implications

    Comment exister au centre de l’Europe ?

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    Les relations franco-polonaises sont un bon indicateur de l’état du systĂšme europĂ©en : en ce sens, la politique d’indĂ©pendance de la Pologne, en plus de la lĂ©gitimitĂ© que lui confĂšre sa pleine souverainetĂ© nationale, est aussi une rĂ©action Ă  la perte de puissance de la France. Les dirigeants français, nombreux Ă  se succĂ©der durant la IIIe RĂ©publique, ont eu des visions diffĂ©rentes de la politique Ă  adopter Ă  l’égard de la Pologne. Tous s’accordent cependant sur deux points : ce pays est un interlocuteur indispensable de la politique de sĂ©curitĂ© française, mais il outrepasse son rĂŽle lorsqu’il prĂ©tend prendre part aux nĂ©gociations dĂ©cisives entre grandes puissances. DĂšs lors, l’intimitĂ© que la France lui refuse, c’est auprĂšs de l’Allemagne que le colonel Beck va la chercher. À plusieurs reprises durant les annĂ©es 1930, le gouvernement polonais tente de participer Ă  un Ă©ventuel directoire europĂ©en dont elle paraĂźt de plus en plus incapable de prĂ©venir le fait accompli. De la crise de Munich, rĂ©sulte, au dĂ©but de l’annĂ©e 1939, la tentation trĂšs rĂ©elle du Quai d’Orsay et de l’état-major de dĂ©noncer unilatĂ©ralement ce que l’on a appelĂ© l’alliance polonaise.How to exist at the center of Europe? Strategic Franco-Polish relations between 1918 and 1939.  Franco-Polish relations are a good indicator of the state of the European system: in this sense, the political independence of Poland, in addition to the legitimacy conferred by its full national sovereignty, was also a reaction to the loss of power by France. French leaders, many of whom followed each other during the Third Republic, had different views about what policy to adopt towards Poland. However, all agreed on two points: that country is an indispensable interlocutor of French national security policy, but it exaggerates its role when it claims to take part in crucial negotiations between major powers. Therefore, the closeness that France denied it is what Beck will seek for her from Germany. On several occasions during the 1930s, the Polish government tried to participate in a possible European directorate which appeared increasingly incapable of preventing a fait accompli. From the Munich crisis, came, in early 1939, the very real temptation for the Quai d'Orsay and the general staff to renounce unilaterally what has been called the Polish alliance

    A contribution to understanding contemporary people-environment dynamics : South African approaches in context.

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    Thesis (M.Soc.)-University of Natal, Pietermartizburg, 1996.People's level of development is a significant determinant in their relationship to wild nature. People today characterized by a high level of development value wild natural resources primarily for non-consumptive aesthetic and humanistic purposes. Modern nature conservation has been dominated by developed peoples' concerns with wild nature. Concerns of developed peoples with wild nature are described by a resourcism-preservationism paradigm. In contrast underdeveloped peoples rely upon wild nature to maintain the integrity of their cultures and increasingly for purposes of physical survival and promoting, development; this involves consumptive use of wild nature. As all people increasingly become part of a global development trajectory, resourcism-preservationism is articulating itself as the global people-environment dynamic. Emergent relations between nature conservation agency staff and reserve neighbours in South Africa offer a unique opportunity to study competing concerns around wild nature and assess the ability of approaches which link conservation and development to meet developed and underdeveloped peoples' concerns. Evaluation of reserve-neighbour interaction at Giant's Castle and Kosi Bay areas is achieved through determining whether it empowers reserve neighbours and conservation agency staff; fundamental to empowerment is people managing natural resources themselves. Natal Parks Board's and KwaZulu Department of Nature Conservation's frameworks for extension do not empower reserve staff or neighbours at Giant's Castle and Kosi Bay respectively. Trends in competition between developed and underdeveloped peoples for use of wild nature evidenced in field studies mirror global trends in people-environment relations. Recent attempts in South Africa and internationally to address the concerns of underdeveloped peoples, witnessed in efforts to link development to conservation such as reserve-neighbour interaction, are efforts by developed people to protect their particular concerns with wild nature. As a result these attempts have not been integrated into a larger conservation and development process. Instead they have been plagued by short term vision among nature conservation agencies and reserve neighbours. Linking conservation and development is a process fundamental to the future of conservation, benefitting people at all levels of development. A fundamental redefinition of conservation agency objectives and restructuring conservation agency operations is required such that people are empowered to manage their own natural resources. Principles to guide and an approach for structuring such an undertaking are proposed involving collaboration with relevant agents
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