22 research outputs found

    Establishing research priorities relating to the long-term impact of TIA and minor stroke through stakeholder-centred consensus

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    Plain English summary What is the problem and why is this important? Mini-strokes are similar to full strokes, but symptoms last less than 24 h. Many people (up to 70%) have long-term problems after a mini-stroke, such as anxiety; depression; problems with brain functioning (like memory loss); and fatigue (feeling tired). However, the current healthcare pathway only focuses on preventing another stroke and care for other long-term problems is not routinely given. Without proper treatment, people with long-term problems after a mini-stroke could have worse quality of life and may find it difficult to return to work and their social activities. What is the aim of the research? We wanted to understand the research priorities of patients, health care professionals and key stakeholders relating to the long-term impact of mini-stroke. How did we address the problem? We invited patients, clinicians, researchers and other stakeholders to attend a meeting. At the meeting people discussed the issues relating to the long-term impact of mini-stroke and came to an agreement on their research priorities. There were three stages: (1) people wrote down their individual research suggestions; (2) in smaller groups people came to an agreement on what their top research questions were; and (3) the whole group agreed final research priorities. What did we find? Eleven people attended who were representatives for patients, GPs, stroke consultants, stroke nurses, psychologists, the Stroke Association (charity) and stroke researchers, The group agreed on eleven research questions which they felt were the most important to improve health and well-being for people who have had a mini-stroke. The eleven research questions encompass a range of categories, including: understanding the existing care patients receive (according to diagnosis and geographical location); exploring what optimal care post-TIA/minor stroke should comprise (identifying and treating impairments, information giving and support groups) and how that care should be delivered (clinical setting and follow-up pathway); impact on family members; and education/training for health care professionals. Abstract Background Clinical management after transient ischaemic attack (TIA) and minor stroke focuses on stroke prevention. However, evidence demonstrates that many patients experience ongoing residual impairments. Residual impairments post-TIA and minor stroke may affect patients’ quality of life and return to work or social activities. Research priorities of patients, health care professionals and key stakeholders relating to the long-term impact of TIA and minor stroke are unknown. Methods Our objective was to establish the top shared research priorities relating to the long-term impact of TIA and minor stroke through stakeholder-centred consensus. A one-day priority setting consensus meeting took place with representatives from different stakeholder groups in October 2016 (Birmingham, UK). Nominal group technique was used to establish research priorities. This involved three stages: (i) gathering research priorities from individual stakeholders; (ii) interim prioritisation in three subgroups; and (iii) final priority setting. Results The priority setting consensus meeting was attended by 11 stakeholders. The individual stakeholders identified 34 different research priorities. During the interim prioritisation exercise, the three subgroups generated 24 unique research priorities which were discussed as a whole group. Following the final consensus discussion, 11 shared research priorities were unanimously agreed. The 11 research questions encompass a range of categories, including: understanding the existing care patients receive (according to diagnosis and geographical location); exploring what optimal care post-TIA/minor stroke should comprise (identifying and treating impairments, information giving and support groups) and how that care should be delivered (clinical setting and follow-up pathway); impact on family members; and education/training for health care professionals. Conclusions Eleven different research priorities were established through stakeholder-centred consensus. These research questions could usefully inform the research agenda and policy decisions for TIA and minor stroke. Inclusion of stakeholders in setting research priorities is important to increase the relevance of research and reduce research waste

    Att se brottslingen – belastningsregistrets syfte och anvĂ€ndning

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    UtifrĂ„n rĂ€ttsociologiskt och kriminologiskt perspektiv studeras betydelsen och anvĂ€ndningen av uppgifter ur belastningsregistret. LikasĂ„ studeras lagstiftningens utveckling och hypotetiska konsekvenser av anvĂ€ndningen. Belastningsregistrets existens förklaras utifrĂ„n tvĂ„ faktorer: - viljan att minska brottsligheten, att skapa ett bĂ€ttre och sĂ€krare samhĂ€lle; - den kausala verklighetssynen, allting har en orsak och resultatet kan förutsĂ€gas eller förhindras om vi lĂ€r oss förstĂ„ och kĂ€nna igen orsakerna. Faktorerna Ă€r inte nya, samma faktorer var rĂ„dande nĂ€r socialskyddsrörelsen satte sin prĂ€gel pĂ„ rĂ€ttssystemet. Det som gör belastningsregistrets existens speciell Ă€r att rĂ€ttssystemet idag prĂ€glas av nyklassicismen med dess fokus pĂ„ rĂ€ttssĂ€kerhet och dess kritik av prognostĂ€nkande. Samtidigt Ă€r den kausala verklighetssynen fortfarande rĂ„dande. OcksĂ„ nyklassicismen och proportionalitetsteoretikerna tror pĂ„ möjligheten att förutsĂ€ga resultat utifrĂ„n kĂ€nda omstĂ€ndigheter. UtifrĂ„n den kausala förstĂ„elsen Ă€r anvĂ€ndandet av belastningsuppgifter i de brottsbekĂ€mpande myndigheternas arbete förklarligt. SvĂ„rare Ă€r det att förklara betydelsen av belastningsuppgifterna i de rĂ€ttsvĂ„rdande myndigheternas arbete. SkĂ€rpta straff för de som döms för Ă„terfall motiveras med att de som enbart begĂ„r en övertrĂ€delse ska kunna dömas lindrigare samt att allmĂ€nheten förvĂ€ntar sig att upprepade övertrĂ€delser av gemensamma lagar straffas hĂ„rdare en enstaka övertramp. NĂ€r argumentationen byggs pĂ„ allmĂ€nhetens uppfattning glömmer man bort att frĂ„ga sig var allmĂ€nhetens uppfattning kommer ifrĂ„n, vad den har sin grund i. Allt som oftast verkar det finnas en uppfattning av att det finns en allmĂ€nmĂ€nsklig, medfödd uppfattning om vad som Ă€r rĂ€tt och fel och att denna uppfattning Ă€r oförĂ€nderlig. Det rĂ€cker med att se pĂ„ de straffrĂ€ttsskolor som har avlöst varandra under de senaste seklerna för att se att sĂ„ inte Ă€r fallet. Kontrollen av belastningar vid anstĂ€llning bygger pĂ„ risken att dömda individer ska begĂ„ brott pĂ„ nytt men det finns ocksĂ„, framför allt bland tillĂ€mparna, en uppfattning av att individerna genom sina handlingar har visat att de Ă€r olĂ€mpliga till sin natur. Det finns ett riskmedvetande som inte bygger pĂ„ konkreta skaderisker utan pĂ„ risken att individerna ska föra vidare olĂ€mpliga vĂ€rderingar eller göra dĂ„liga val i sin yrkesutövning. De ”sekundĂ€ra” straff som de dömda utsĂ€tts för genom att sjĂ€lva straffet tillĂ„ts pĂ„verka bĂ„de kommande straff och kommande laglydighet (anstĂ€llningsmöjlighet etc.) ges inte nĂ„gon större uppmĂ€rksamhet i lagstiftningsarbetet. De pĂ„pekas pĂ„ nĂ„gra stĂ€llen att de dömdas möjlighet till Ă„terintegrering inte fĂ„r hindras av uppgifter om tidigare brottslighet. Samtidigt ses de sekundĂ€ra straffen i stort sett som en naturlig del av straffet. Straffet som i sin tur ses som en naturlig del av brottet. PĂ„ sĂ„ sĂ€tt blir de konsekvenser som uppstĂ„r för de dömda inte strukturellt betingade utan nĂ„got som individen sjĂ€lv har orsakat genom sin brottslighet. Den lagstiftning vi har idag bygger pĂ„ individens ansvar för sitt liv och möjliggör en rad integritetskrĂ€nkande och stigmatiserade Ă„tgĂ€rder. Framför allt leder den bort frĂ„n strukturellt baserade Ă„tgĂ€rder. Konsekvenserna av lagstiftningen ses mĂ„nga gĂ„nger inte som speciellt besvĂ€rliga eftersom de som drabbas har förtjĂ€nat det genom sitt brottsliga handlande. I slutĂ€ndan riskerar vi dock att bygga ett kraftigt polariserat samhĂ€lle dĂ€r brottsligheten inte minskar utan tvĂ€rtom ökar tillföljd av att subkulturer dĂ€r brottslighet accepteras skapas bland utstötta. Risken finns ocksĂ„ att vi bygger ett samhĂ€lle dĂ€r tidigare dömda stĂ€ngs ute frĂ„n legala möjligheter att tjĂ€na sitt uppehĂ€lle. Det gĂ„r i anvĂ€ndningen och utökningen av registreringen att se en ökad medvetenhet om risken att utsĂ€ttas för brott. Att medvetenheten om riskerna har tagit de proportioner som den har idag finns det ingen enkel förklaring till. Uppsatsen behandlar nĂ„gra faktorer som kan ges förklaringsvĂ€rde. Det Ă€r individualiseringen och det ansvar som kommer med individens ökade rĂ€ttigheter. Det Ă€r (natur)vetenskapens kraftiga expandering och kausalförklaringens dominans. Slutligen Ă€r det sekulariseringen och det ansvar som numera Ă€r mĂ€nniskans. Medvetenheten om riskerna tillsammans med kĂ€nslan av ansvar för sitt eget vĂ€lbefinnande skapar rĂ€dsla och en vilja att byta rĂ€dslan mot sĂ€kerhet. Den bekrĂ€ftelse som den sĂ€kerhetsskapande lagstiftningen ger Ă„t rĂ€dslan kan tĂ€nkas leda till att riskaversionen fortsĂ€tter öka vilket i sin tur leder till en ökad efterfrĂ„gan pĂ„ kontrollerande och sĂ€kerhetsskapande Ă„tgĂ€rder. Dessa Ă„tgĂ€rder leder i sin tur till en ytterligare bekrĂ€ftelse av rĂ€dslan. Det hela blir en ond cirkel dĂ€r rĂ€dslan försöker bemötas med sĂ€kerhetsskapande Ă„tgĂ€rder med dĂ€r sĂ€kerheten endast fungerar som en bekrĂ€ftelse pĂ„ rĂ€dslans existensberĂ€ttigande. SĂ€kerhet föder rĂ€dsla. Förenklande förklaringsmodeller dĂ€r den enskilde ses som helt och hĂ„llet ansvarig för sina egna handlingar, dĂ€r strukturella omstĂ€ndigheter inte tillmĂ€ts betydelse och dĂ€r den enskilde kan ses som en ond och/eller egoistisk individ öppnar upp för en mĂ€ngd Ă„tgĂ€rder. Framför allt öppnar de upp för ett förhĂ„llningssĂ€tt dĂ€r Ă„tgĂ€rdernas konsekvenser inte behöver beaktas. Det Ă€r svĂ„rt att se att det finns grĂ€nser för vad individen kan utsĂ€ttas för eller att det finns grĂ€nser för i vilken utstrĂ€ckning individen ska utsĂ€ttas för konsekvenserna av sitt handlande. Det gĂ„r att se en utveckling som leder till att övertrĂ€dare av rĂ€ttssystemet förverkar sina rĂ€ttigheter att betraktas och behandlas som mĂ€nniska – den senaste tidens debatt kring utformningen av högriskfĂ€ngelser ger oss en föraning om vad det (redan) innebĂ€r

    Criminal Records in Sweden. Regulation of Access to Criminal Records and the use of Criminal Background Checks by Employers.

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    This thesis examines the regulation of access to criminal records in Sweden and the actual and potential use of criminal background checks by employers in hiring processes. In recent years, more and more Swedish employers have been required by law to check their job applicants’ criminal records. In a parallel process, also the number of enforced subject access requests has increased considerably in that same period. The aim of this thesis is to analyse and explain these two trends and consider their implications for future use of criminal records in Sweden and elsewhere. The analysis draws upon government documents, newspaper articles, interviews with employers using enforced subject access, and interviews with union and employer organization representatives, with the aim of capturing the vocabularies of motive that were evoked and put to use in attempts to justify and legitimize either access restrictions or the extended use of criminal records data in hiring decisions. In Paper I, I examine how subject access, indirect employer access, and the notion of privacy have been understood and defined throughout the history of the Swedish Criminal Records Registry, and how practices and policies in the area have evolved over time. In Paper II, I investigate how employers who use individuals’ right to subject access as a means for obtaining copies of their criminal record account for their practice, and how unions and employer associations have responded to the adoption of it. In Paper III, I challenge the ‘governmentality’ tradition in criminology and the way the use of criminal record checks is interpreted within it. As an alternative way of formulating and understanding the issue, I propose that it be looked at from a symbolic perspective. In Paper IV, my analysis utilizes the perspective of the sociology of scandals to help develop a better understanding of function creep in the area of data protection. This I do through an examination of the process leading, first, to the introduction of mandatory vetting of childcare workers and teachers in Sweden in 2001, and, then, to the inclusion later on of also other employer categories in the scope of the relevant legislation. Based on these analyses, I argue that the changes in the access to individuals’ criminal records reflect the state’s way of governing the interpretation of the criminal records database. Whether actors are denied or allowed access to information contained in the criminal history record database depends on the prevailing cultural representations regarding notions such as ‘privacy’, ‘data protection’, ‘databases’, ‘sensitive information’, and ‘power’. Moreover, I argue that the function creep in the use of criminal history data in Sweden can be initially explained by the occurrence and publicity of scandals that highlight the vulnerability of a group of dependents, making it defensible to resort to privacy-intrusive methods such as criminal record checks, with the continuing function creep then being made possible by a changing moral landscape that, following the initial amendment, renders the method morally more defensible among the policy makers and the public at large

    Yrkesbeskrivningens villkor

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    Den hÀr artikeln handlar om produktionen av Arbetsförmedlingens yrkesbeskrivningar. Syftet Àr att studera vilka övervÀganden som görs i framstÀllningen och att undersöka yrkesbeskrivningarnas produktionsvillkor pÄ samhÀlls-, institutions- och individnivÄ. Avsikten Àr att försöka förklara de skillnader som finns mellan yrkesbeskrivningar beroende pÄ yrkets status, könsförhÄllandena i yrket och skillnader i utbildningskrav och arbetsuppgifter. Studien bygger pÄ observationer och intervjuer med tjÀnstemÀn pÄ Arbetsförmedlingens redaktion för yrkesinformatio
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