Las prácticas culturales de los andaluces en el periodo 2006-2015

A lo largo de los meses de enero a diciembre de 2019 se ha llevado a cabo la primera fase del estudio de prácticas culturales de los andaluces. Este trabajo surge de una iniciativa auspiciada por el Secretariado de Extensión Universitaria de la Universidad de Cádiz, que desde el año 2005 coordina a un grupo de investigadores de la Red de Universidades Públicas de Andalucía, dando lugar al Observatorio Atalaya de Prácticas Culturales. La orientación de este equipo, así como de las publicaciones nacidas a su amparo, ha sido la de crear productos en los cuales indagar sobre los hábitos y prácticas culturales de los andaluces, ya sea en el ámbito universitario como para el total de la población de esta comunidad, proyectando sus resultados al papel de los gestores culturales como responsables de la implementación de políticas de gestión cultural

El sistema de partidos marroquí tras la Primavera Árabe

La finalidad de este artículo es analizar las transformaciones que se han producido en el sistema de partidos en Marruecos tras la Primavera Árabe, así como señalar los retos pendientes que tienen planteados las formaciones políticas marroquíes. Se considera que un estudio de los partidos es imprescindible en el análisis de los procesos de cambio político, pues estos constituyen un eje fundamental en el engranaje del sistema político. En primer lugar, se examinan las recientes reformas políticas que afectan a los partidos marroquíes: nueva legislación de partidos, elecciones competitivas, y nombramiento de un Jefe de Gobierno representante de la fuerza política ganadora de las elecciones. En segundo lugar, se presentan las principales características del sistema actual de partidos marroquí. En concreto, se estudia el formato y cleavages del sistema de partidos, su representatividad y la fragmentación existente. Y, en tercer lugar, se exponen los principales desafíos que deben afrontar los partidos marroquíes si quieren convertirse en actores principales del sistema político y en verdaderos intermediarios entre la sociedad y el EstadoThe aim of this article is to analyze the changes in the party system in Morocco in the context of the Arab Spring, as well as point out the challenges that political parties have to face. A study on political parties is essential in the analysis of the processes of political change, as they constitute a key element in the political system. In this way, first, the article examines recent political reforms which affect Moroccan parties (new party legislation, competitive elections, and the appointment of a Head of Government who is the leader of the political force that has won the elections). Second, we present the main features of the current Moroccan party system. Specifically, we study its format and its cleavages, its representativeness and the parliamentary fragmentation. And third, the article describes the main challenges faced by Moroccan parties if they want to become major players in the political system and real intermediaries between society and the Stat

¿En qué se parecen y en qué se diferencian?

Variables sociodemográficas, Esperiencia previa, Estatus. Lectura de libros no profesionales Gustos de lectura Lectura de revistas no profesionales Lectura de prensa general Media de libros leídos en el último año Asistencia a bibliotecas Media de visionado de televisión Gustos TV Disposición y uso de ordenador e internet Gasto medio mensual en móvil Frecuencia de asistencia al cine Asistencia a proyecciones de la Universidad Música y gustos musicales Dispositivos Teatro Deportes Ocio y gasto en cultura   In what they look alike, in what they differ?   Abstract: Sociodemographic variables, Previous experience, Status. Reading non-professional books Reading likes Reading non-professional magazines General press reading Average number of books read in the last year Assistance to libraries TV viewing media TV likes Availability and use of computer and internet Average monthly spending on mobile Frequency of cinema attendance Attendance at University screenings Music and musical tastes Devices Theater Sports Leisure and spending on culture   Artículo recibido: 19/05/2009. Aceptado: 18/06/2009                

El devenir de la disputa territorial por Dokdo-Takeshima: el componente emocional en las reclamaciones de soberania en Asia Oriental

Trabajo de Fin de Máster del Máster en Asia oriental - Estudios japoneses, curso 2014-2015.[ES] Dokdo representa una de las disputas territoriales de mayor relevancia en Asia Oriental. Tanto la República de Corea cómo el Estado de Japón defienden una relación histórica con los islotes. Actualmente Corea mantiene el control efectivo de Dokdo desde la década de 1950 y Japón, que los asimiló en 1905, reclama la soberanía sobre los mismos. ¿Por qué la disputa se mantiene en un statu quo inamovible? Hay evidencias para descartar que la utilidad de los islotes desde un punto de vista estratégico y económico sea protagonista en el problema. Es el componente emocional el que parece ser la clave para entender adecuadamente la disputa. Si se pretende encontrar alguna solución al problema de los islotes hay que responder a la pregunta de ¿Por qué Dokdo es tan significativo para la gente?[EN] Dokdo it's one of the most important territorial disputes in East Asia. Both Republic of Korea and State of Japan claim the islets are historically related to them. Currently koreans keep effective control over Dokdo since de 1950s. On the other hand japanese reclaim sovereignty over Dokdo because they assimilated the islets in 1905. Why this dispute doesn't evolve over the course of time? There's evidence to suggest neither strategic or economical issues are the truly reasons behind it. The key to fully understand the dispute over the islets appears to be the emotional factor. If we want to find a solution for this territorial dispute we need to ask ourselves, why Dokdo it's so relevant for public opinion

Direct and Indirect Effects of Emotions towards Party Leaders on Voting: Evidence from the 2018 Andalusian Regional Election

Party leaders are increasingly relevant to voters’ choices in parliamentary systems. However, most studies addressing the electoral impact of leaders have largely ignored voters’ emotional responses to party leaders. Additionally, little is known about the effect of party leaders in subnational or regional elections. Using data from a specific election survey, this article examines the effect of emotions towards party leaders on regional voting. It assesses whether emotional responses to party leaders not only have direct effects, but whether they also have indirect effects through partisanship on voting. We found evidence that emotions towards party leaders have both direct and indirect effects through partisanship on vote choice

Political Disaffection and Digital Political Participation in Latin America: A Comparative Analysis of the Period 2008–2020

One of the issues facing the field of political behaviour analysis in recent years has been the transformation of political participation among citizens, in a context of increasing change, profoundly marked by the spread of a new digital paradigm. Network society has brought with it new forms of political participation, where different types of participatory citizenship coexist in a process of increasing interaction which, in turn, creates new morphologies, and where online and offline modes are reciprocal, generating new patterns of behaviour. Of these different types of participatory citizenship, that of the disaffected is perhaps among the most important in recent years and, in particular, since the start of the so-called “Great Recession” around 2008, and the subsequent global COVID-19 crisis. This recent context can be characterised by a significant increase in political disaffection, resulting from a loss of trust in institutions and from the constant distancing of a certain section of the citizenry from politics as a coded punishment of those governments and institutions they see as ineffective. This paper provides an analysis of citizenship types in Latin America, particularly that of the disaffected, describing their relationship to the following of political information through digital media and social networks, and identifying patterns of evolution and development in some of the trends. Results show that a clear distinction exists between the different types of citizenship and associated forms of participation, both online and offline, while also describing differences in both political perceptions and attitudes, and between areas or regions in Latin America. Likewise, important differences are found according to citizen type in relation to the following of different social networks, especially among citizens categorised as critical or disaffecte

Single wall carbon nanotubes loaded with Pd and NiPd nanoparticles for H2 sensing at room temperature

Pd and bimetallic Ni50Pd50 nanoparticles protected by polyvinylpyrrolidone (PVP) have been synthesized by the reduction-by-solvent method and deposited on single wall carbon nanotubes (SWCNTs) to be tested as H2 sensors. The SWCNTs were deposited by drop casting from different suspensions. The Pd nanoparticles-based sensors show a very reproducible performance with good sensitivity and very low response times (few seconds) for different H2 concentrations, ranging from 0.2% to 5% vol. H2 in air at atmospheric pressure. The influence of the metal nanoparticle composition, the quality of SWCNTs suspension and the metal loading have been studied, observing that all these parameters play an important role in the H2 sensor performance. Evidence for water formation during the H2 detection on Pd nanoparticles has been found, and its repercussion on the behaviour of the assembled sensors is discussed. The sensor preparation procedure detailed in this work has proven to be simple and reproducible to prepare cost-effective and highly efficient H2 sensors that perform very well under real application conditions.We thank the MINECO, Generalitat Valenciana and FEDER (Projects CTQ2012-31762 and PROMETEO/2009/047) for financial support. A.B.M. thanks the Spanish Ministry Science and Innovation for a Ramón y Cajal fellowship (RyC 2009-03913). Jaime Garcia Aguilar and Izaskun Miguel García also thank the University of Alicante for their fellowships

3D object detection with deep learning

Finding an appropriate environment representation is a crucial problem in robotics. 3D data has been recently used thanks to the advent of low cost RGB-D cameras. We propose a new way to represent a 3D map based on the information provided by an expert. Namely, the expert is the output of a Convolutional Neural Network trained with deep learning techniques. Relying on such information, we propose the generation of 3D maps using individual semantic labels, which are associated with environment objects or semantic labels. So, for each label we are provided with a partial 3D map whose data belong to the 3D perceptions, namely point clouds, which have an associated probability above a given threshold. The final map is obtained by registering and merging all these partial maps. The use of semantic labels provide us a with way to build the map while recognizing objects.This work has been supported by the Spanish Government TIN2016-76515-R Grant, supported with Feder funds, and by grant of Vicerrectorado de Investigación y Transferencia de Conocimiento para el fomento de la I+D+i en la Universidad de Alicante 2016

Media, political information and emotions towards political parties in Spain

Los medios de comunicación, y en los últimos años las redes sociales, son uno de los espacios centrales de confrontación política que generan un marco de interpretación de la democracia y de sus afectos. Su consumo afecta de forma directa a las actitudes de la ciudadanía, reforzando las creencias previas y dibujando no solamente un marco cognitivo, sino también emocional. Desde esta óptica, las emociones se construyen y circulan socialmente en el marco de la comunicación política. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo discutir en qué medida y en qué condiciones los medios de comunicación y las redes sociales determinan las emociones ciudadanas al respecto de los distintos partidos políticos en España. Con este cometido, se ha realizado un análisis descriptivo utilizando la Encuesta postelectoral para las elecciones generales de noviembre de 2019. Como principales resultados, se observa que la ciudadanía que consume información política en España a través de cualquier tipo de medio presenta un perfil emocional más activo, con mayor presencia de las emociones negativas que las positivas y con una mayor intensidad de aversión en la red. Además, los distintos soportes tienen características propias, entras las que destacan la activación del entusiasmo en la televisión hacia los partidos de izquierda y una generalización de las emociones negativas hacia todas las formaciones y candidatos en redes sociales, en especial Twitter.Media, and in recent years social media, are a space for political confrontation that generate a framework for the interpretation of democracy and affections. Their consumption directly affects citizens attitudes, reinforcing previous beliefs and building both a cognitive and emotional framing. From this viewpoint, emotions are constructed and circulate socially within the framework of political communication. The objective of this article is to investigate the extent to which and the conditions under which media and social media determine citizens’ emotions towards the different political actors in Spain. To this aim, a analysis has been carried out using the Post-Election Survey for the November 2019 General Elections. As main results, it is shown that citizens who consume political information in Spain through any type of media present a more active emotional profile, with a greater presence of negative emotions than positive ones and, with a greater intensity of aversion on the internet. Moreover, the different supports have their own characteristics, highlighting the activation of enthusiasm towards left-wing parties on television and a generalization of negative emotions towards all formations and candidates on social media, especially on Twitter