The demand for urban transport: An application of discrete choice model for Cadiz

The study of the demand for transport has among others applications, the valuation of travel time saving that is a very important question in cost-benefit analysis, and to adopt transport policy tools. Since McFadden developed a discrete choice model for travel demand, it has usually been the application of this model to study the individual behaviour when he has to choice among transport modes. Citizens of big cities have to face traffic congestion; pollution, wasted time in travels and fuel, noise, stress and accidents are the costs imposed by congestion to society, elements that reduce the quality of life in cities. Public transport is a real alternative to private transport that is socially less expensive, for this reason this paper tries to forecast travel demand for public transport in Cadiz when travelling have to choice between public or private transport, using a discrete choice model. The results of this analysis (travel demand, value of time, elasticities) can be used to design transport policies that could reduce congestion.

Comparative Analysis Of The Memorandum Of Agreement On The Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) Aspect Of The GRP-MILF Tripoli Agreement On Peace Of 2001 And Framework Agreement On The Bangsamoro (FAB)

Peace processes, which often culminate in the adoption of agreements, have been used traditionally in international law to end armed conflicts. The form within which negotiated settlements have been contained are primarily up to the negotiating parties to determine. However, the legal characterization of these agreements are independently and objectively governed by a set of rules either under the municipal legal system or at the level of international law. A peace treaty is an “agreement or contract made by belligerent powers, in which they agree to lay down their arms, and by which they stipulate the conditions of peace and regulate the manner in which it is to be restored and supported.”2 Apart from being a source of international obligations, treaties have been utilized at a national level to transfer territory, settle disputes, protect human rights, and regulate commercial relations.3 Peace agreements, as presently applied, are often used as a mode to end hostilities between a state and a non-state entity due to secessionist struggles or problems. This is especially so at a time when non-state entities are standing firm in their demands for self-determination as they incessantly fight for independence. Self-determination is supported by international law and embodied in international instruments such as the Charter of the United Nations, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The great urge of peoples to determine their own economic, social, and cultural development causes opposition or hostilities within a state or nation. Therefore, peace agreements are relevant, particularly at the national level, in trying to resolve these hostilities. Most peace agreements have one common feature — they are used as a means to an end, which is to attain peace, by leading towards building a positive momentum for a final and comprehensive settlement. Peace agreements are generally “contracts intended to end a violent conflict, or to significantly transform a conflict, so that it can be more constructively addressed.”6 There are various types of peace agreements, each with their own distinct purpose. As to its components, most peace agreements address three main concerns: procedure, substance, and organization.12 The procedural components provide for the methods that establish and maintain peace such that they delineate the how of a peace process. 13 These include the setting up of schedules and institutions that “facilitate the implementation of substantive issues such as elections, justice, human rights and disarmament.”14 The substantive components provide for the changes to be made after the peace agreement is reached such as political, economic, and social structural changes that are needed to “remedy past grievances and provide for a more fair and equitable future.”15 The organizational or institutional components are mechanisms intended to “promote the peace consolidation efforts”16 such that they address the who aspect of the agreement.17 It can be gleaned then that although the main goal of peace agreements is to achieve peace or to end hostilities between or among parties, each and every peace agreement varies as to its procedural and substantive components. Peace agreements adopt various measures in addressing their own respective dilemmas and each has its own distinct way of enabling the parties involved in the agreement to cooperate and comply with the agreed terms to ensure the success of the measures adopted

Examining Kentucky Teachers\u27 Encounters with Grieving Students: A Mixed Methods Study

The research on bereaved children’s outcomes is mixed, with the course of grief in young people prone to variation. Each child’s reaction following a loss is unique and should be considered in relation to psychological, academic, familial, social, environmental, and a number of additional factors. However, what is known is the important role that a supportive environment, stable adult figures, and early intervention may have for grieving youth. Teachers could be considered the first line of defense in identifying youth who are struggling with a loss, as they are significant adults with whom students have consistent contact on a daily basis. However, very little is known about the teacher’s role in the identification and support of grieving students. Therefore, the purpose of this project was to explore the teacher’s role in the grief support process at school, as well as teacher perceptions of childhood grief and the ways in which a teacher’s own early experiences with death may affect the provision of services. These factors were explored through the administration of an online mixed-methods survey to a random sample of 225 Kindergarten through 12th grade teachers in the state of Kentucky. The findings of this study were supportive of the hypothesis that having a bereaved student in class is nearly universal. The majority of teachers in this study reported receiving no training related to death and grief issues pre-service, with minimal training offered at the school level. Teacher perceptions about grief were not found to differ significantly overall between teachers of various school levels, counties, or early-bereaved status. Additional findings, limitations, implications, as well as directions for future research are discussed

The Legal Characterization of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the Individual Action Plans in International Law

The emergence of various economic groupings in different parts of the world has given rise to the accompanying issue of compliance by member States with their commitments under the respective charters or codes of conduct of their economic or trade regimes. A fundamental concern confronting these regimes is the need to design a system of effectively enforcing the obligations and commitments assumed by member States. Historically, the evolution of law in the realm of international economic transactions took a cautious route. While States have traditionally entered into bilateral agreements in the form of friendship, commerce and navigation treaties, the concept of multilateral economic engagements gained wide acceptance only after the Second World War through the establishment of the Bretton Woods institutions. This development indicated the softening stance of some States towards economic sovereignty. The recognition of economic sub-groupings under the recently adopted WTO Agreement further reinforced the openness of member States towards economic interdependence. . In the Asia Pacific, a significant number of economies had committed themselves towards greater cooperation. A study of the implications of this economic sub grouping both at the national and international levels is crucial, particularly in light of the existence of other multilateral economic agreements to which most governments of these economies are presently committed. Of more immediate concern is how a member of APEC is expected to carry out its commitment and Individual Action Plan. The present research proposal intends to focus on the juridical or legal significance of the APEC and the Individual Actic;\u3en Plans. A principal issue that will be addressed is whether APEC commitments may be susceptible of international legal obligations to which the law of treaties and principles of state responsibility may be applied. In relation to this, the research will inquire into the domestic law implication of commitments made under APEC and the Individual Action Plans

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in the Context of the Peace Process with the CPP-NPA-NDFP: Issues and Concerns

The peace process between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army-National Democratic Front of the Philippines (CPP-NPA-NDFP) was formally opened in 1995 in Brussels, Belgium. While several agreements have been signed between the GRP and the CPP-NPA-NDFP since then, only one major substantive agreement, i.e., the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) has been accomplished. Under the Hague Declaration of 1992, three (3) more substantive agreements are necessary to achieve a just and lasting peace, namely: (a) Comprehensive Agreement on SocioEconomic Reforms (CASER); (b) Comprehensive Agreement on Political and Constitutional Reforms (PCR); and (c) End of Hostilities (EOH). During the round of negotiations undertaken under the presidency of Rodrigo Roa Duterte, the negotiating panels of both parties to the peace process emphasized the crucial impact of a CASER in the course of the process. Existing drafts on CASER have been intensively discussed with some tentative consensus points which are worth inquiring into. The purpose of this paper is to examine the contentious issues which require public deliberation as the negotiations hopefully progress in the near future. In the course of the present writer’s inquiry, the dynamics of negotiations and achieving compromises by both parties will be emphasized. Focus will be made on the following areas of concern: (a) Agrarian and Rural Development; (b) Rural Industrialization; (c) National Industrialization; (d) Environmental Protection; (e) Rights of Various Sectors (e.g. working people, women, children, elderly, disabled, indigenous peoples, etc.); and, (f) Policy on Foreign Economic Relations. As a conclusion, the present writer will offer some strategies, in order to address contentious points identified in the text of the CASER drafts

Bond currency denomination and the yen carry trade

We examine the determinants of issuance of yen-denominated international bonds over the period from 1990 through 2010. This period was marked by low Japanese interest rates that led some investors to pursue "carry trades," which consisted of funding investments in higher interest rate currencies with low interest rate, yen-denominated obligations. In principle, bond issuers that have flexibility in their funding currency could also conduct a carry-trade strategy by funding in yen during this low interest rate period. We examine the characteristics of firms who appeared to have adopted this strategy using a data set containing almost 80,000 international bond issues. Our results suggest that there was a movement towards issuing in yen in the international bond markets starting in 2003, but this appears to have ended with the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2007. Furthermore, the breakdown of carry-trade conditions in 2007 corresponds to a resurgence in the ability of economic fundamentals, such as the volume of trade with Japan, to explain the decision to issue international bonds denominated in yen.Bond market ; Yen, Japanese

Educating to Compete: Pandemic-Era Patterns of Technology Incorporation in the Southern Cone

Education has become a championship match. Global competition has defined many periods in history, but in the last two decades it has emerged within the knowledge economy, shaping education systems across the world. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the different levels of perceived educational resilience exhibited by states shaped their global competitiveness. Focusing on the Southern Cone of Latin America, this thesis explores the connection between globally competitive educational systems, access to Information Communication Technologies (ICT) and educational resilience during the pandemic through a multivariate regression model. Considering the profound disruption of education caused by the pandemic, I utilize a comparative study to explore the political history of education public policy on ICT in Argentina and Uruguay as well as how these countries handled contingency plans during 2020. In order to explain the varying levels of educational resilience that the international community perceived it is necessary not only to analyse the effectiveness of ICT-oriented responses but also the way these countries ensure education continuity for the most vulnerable sectors of the population. My findings hint at patterns of global positioning in both the degree of pre-pandemic ICT incorporation in education as well as the differentiated educational priorities addressed during 2020

Comparative Study of Lifestyle: Eating Habits, Sedentary Lifestyle and Anthropometric Development in Spanish 5- To 15-yr-Olds

Background: The infant-juvenile period is one of high vulnerability during the lifestyles chosen become determining factors for future health status. This study aimed to evaluate lifestyle, specifically eating habits and physical activity, in 5-15-year-olds in Spain and their health status (anthropometry). Methods: This cross-sectional population study with two time points (2006 and 2013) was conducted by compiling data from the Spanish National Health Survey. We used the minor survey, specifically the data from the Health De-terminants module, which included 5-15-year-olds. Compiled information was obtained from parents or guardians. Results: The overall overweight and obesity prevalence in Spain (2013) in 5- to 15-year-olds is 24.3%. A drop of 8.2% in meat consumption was found, while overall intake was high. Daily intake of plant-based food (fruit, vegetables, pulses) was low, especially vegetables (32.9%). Increased sedentary lifestyle was observed, probably because the use of communication technologies has increased in recent years (P<0.001). Moreover, watching TV rose to 19.3% for 1 hour/day watching TV on weekdays and to 23.5% at weekends. Conclusion: When comparing the two time points (2006 and 2013), we observed that lifestyle, eating habits and phys-ical activity strongly associated with the Spanish infant-juvenile population¿s anthropometry. Mediterranean diet pat-terns seem to be abandoned and physical activity is practiced less, which will have a negative impact on future quality of life

Rivalry strategies. Interpellations of opposition activism to sexual and reproductive rights in Argentina

En distintos países de América Latina, los movimientos feministas y por la diversidad sexual desplegaron una estrategia de ingreso de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en las agendas parlamentarias. Esto materializa nuevos escenarios en los que también adquieren mayor visibilidad los sectores que se movilizan en oposición a estas demandas. Se analiza el activismo en oposición a los derechos sexuales y reproductivos desde una de sus renovadas facetas relacionada con la ampliación de zonas de interpelación como fenómeno sociopolítico comunicacional. En este trabajo interesa proponer una de las vías para pensar este activismo desde los sentidos que colocan en la escena pública pero que al mismo tiempo los conforman como un colectivo político. Se realiza un estudio cualitativo y se analiza un corpus compuesto por materiales publicados en sitios web durante momentos clave de debate sobre sexualidad. Para ello, se seleccionaron dos contextos relevantes de observación, el debate por el matrimonio igualitario (2010) y el debate por la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo (2018) sucedidos en Argentina. Producto del análisis se plantean dos estrategias que permiten caracterizar a la oposición: identificación (de colectivos) y redireccionamiento (de sentidos). Ambas estrategias darían cuenta de la conformación de un colectivo heterogéneo articulado por un proyecto común que implica nuevas formas de subjetivación política. Se focaliza en la zona que denominamos zona coyuntural dado que involucra principalmente prácticas orientadas por un contexto específico. Es decir, se trata de momentos en los que las disputas toman mayor materialización y visibilidad porque se dan frente a un asunto concreto como el ingreso de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos a las agendas parlamentarias. De esta manera, la zona coyuntural se relaciona con diferentes formas de reproducción y de difusión o, en otras palabras, operaciones para generar y ganar convocatoria.In different countries of Latin America, the feminist and sexual diversity movements deployed a strategy to include sexual and reproductive rights in parliamentary agendas. This materializes new scenarios in which the sectors that mobilize in opposition to these demands also acquire greater visibility. This article analyzes activism in opposition to sexual and reproductive rights from one of its renewed facets related to the expansion of areas of interpellation as a communicational political phenomenon. The work proposes one of the ways to understand this activism from the meanings that they place on the public scene. But, at the same time, it conforms them as a political collective. A qualitative study is carried out and is analyzed a corpus of materials published on websites. For this, two relevant contexts of observation were selected, the debates over same-sex marriage (2010) and voluntary interruption of pregnancy (2018) that took place in Argentina. Two strategies are proposed that allow characterizing the opposition: identification (of collectives) and redirection (of meanings). Both strategies would evidence the formation of a heterogeneous collective articulated by a common project that implies new forms of political subjectivation. It focuses on the conjunctural zone. This zone mainly involves practices oriented by a specific context. That is to say, it implies moments in which the disputes take on greater materialization and visibility as soon as they occur in the face of a specific issue such as the entry of sexual and reproductive rights into parliamentary agendas. In this way, the conjunctural zone is related to different forms of reproduction and diffusion or, in other words, operations to generate and gain convocation