Hiperparatireoidismo secundário nutricional em felino doméstico: Relato de Caso

O hiperparatireoidismo secundário nutricional (HSN) é uma doença metabólica caracterizada pelo desequilíbrio da relação de Ca e P, levando a osteopenia. Clinicamente se manifesta com claudicação, constipação, lordose, cifose, fraturas de ossos longos e corpos vertebrais. O presente trabalho relata um caso de HSN em um felino macho de 3 meses de idade alimentado com alimentação caseira atendido no HOVET da UFPA. O mesmo apresentava claudicação que evoluiu para paraparesia com déficit neurológico nos membros pélvicos, constipação e retenção urinaria. Foi submetido a exames hematológicos, bioquímicos e radiográficos, apresentando como resultado mais significativo osteopenia severa com múltiplas fraturas patológicas. A partir dos dados clínicos e dos exames realizados obteve-se o diagnostico de HSN. O animal foi submetido a tratamento constituído por confinamento, analgesia e correção alimentar obtendo evolução satisfatória após 30 dias e alta medica após quatro meses. A literatura apresenta-se bastante limitada quanto a dados clínicos e resultados de tratamento de felinos com HSN. Embora esta patologia venha se tornando cada vez mais incomum entre felinos ainda são necessárias contribuições que permitam tratamentos mais eficientes e prognósticos mais favoráveis

Estratégia de articulação e estratégia de aliança: possibilidades para a luta política

Este artigo tem por objetivo discutir estratégias de luta política desenvolvidas por movimentos sociais que atuam na sociedade brasileira, tendo como problema: quais as possibilidades de democratização social frente ao descentramento do espaço político e a pluralidade de sujeitos políticos que caracterizam as últimas décadas das sociedades ocidentais contemporâneas? Foram entrevistados representantes de grupos do movimento feminista (Marcha Mundial das Mulheres - MMM), do movimento negro (Negras Ativas - NA), do movimento camponês (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra - MST), do movimento sindical (Central Única dos Trabalhadores - CUT), do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Desempregados (MTD) e da Brigadas Populares (BP). Além disso, foram entrevistadas a secretária da Assembleia Popular Metropolitana de Belo Horizonte (AP-MBH) e a vice-presidente "Trans" da Associação Brasileira de Gays, Lésbicas, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais (ABGLT), entidades que, na pesquisa, denominamos de espaços de vínculos entre sujeitos políticos. Também coletamos, junto aos grupos, materiais referentes a ações desenvolvidas por eles, à história dos grupos, às suas bandeiras políticas. Para a análise dos dados, nos concentramos teoricamente em uma teoria democrática específica, denominada Teoria Democrática Radical e Plural, desenvolvida por Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, desde meados da década de 1980. A partir da leitura das entrevistas, dos documentos coletados junto aos grupos e das considerações da Teoria Democrática Radical e Plural, construímos categorias analíticas referentes ao problema proposto na pesquisa. Discutimos, neste artigo, duas estratégias de luta política, denominadas estratégia de articulação e estratégia de aliança. A estratégia de articulação é concebida como a construção de uma relação de equivalência ("nós") entre diferentes sujeitos políticos, de modo a se construir um projeto contra-hegemônico. Já estratégia de aliança é definida como a construção de vínculo, em torno de demandas especificas, entre sujeitos políticos na construção de ações conjuntas, sem que isso implique, necessariamente, na promoção de uma relação de equivalência entre os grupos. Entendemos essas duas formas de estratégia política não como opostas, a priori, mas como modos complementares de se construir a mudança social. As estratégias debatidas podem ser úteis para pesquisas no campo dos movimentos sociais, sobretudo, na análise dos modos de construção da luta política.<br>This article aims to discuss strategies for political struggle developed by the social movements in Brazilian society, focusing in the question: what are the possibilities of social democratization since the decentralization of the political space and the plurality of political subjects have been characterized the last decades of contemporary Western societies? We interviewed leaderships of groups from the feminist movement (World March of Women - MMM), the afrobrazilian movement (Black Active - NA), the peasant movement (Landless Rural Workers Movement - MST), the trade union movement (Central Union of Workers - CUT), the Movement of Unemployed Workers (MTD) and the Popular Brigades (BP). In addition, we interviewed the secretary of the Popular Assembly of Belo Horizonte - Minas Gerais (AP-MBH) and vice-president "Trans" of the Brazilian Association of Gays, Lesbians, Bisexuals, and Transsexuals (ABGLT). All those entities we named as a public space where different political subjects are linked. We also collect materials from the groups about the actions undertaken by them, the history of the groups, and their political demands. For data analysis, we focus on a specific theory of democracy named Plural Radical and Democratic Theory, developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe since the mid-1980s. From reading the interviews, the documents collected from the groups and the considerations of the Radical Democratic Theory and Plural, we have built analytical categories related to the research problem. We discuss in this article two strategies of political struggle, called articulation strategy and alliance strategy. The articulation strategy is conceived as the construction of an equivalence relation ("we") between different political actors in order to build a counter-hegemonic project. Otherwise, alliance strategy is defined as the construction bond, around specific demands, among political actors in the construction of joint actions, without implying necessarily in promoting a relationship of equivalence between the groups. We consider these two forms of political strategy not as opposed, in principle, but as complementary ways of building social change. The strategies discussed may be useful for research in the field of social movements, especially in the analysis of construction methods of political struggle

Entre neocorporativistas e deliberativos: uma interpretação sobre os paradigmas de análise dos fóruns participativos no Brasil Between the neo-corporatist and the deliberative: an interpretation of the paradigms in the analysis of the participatory forums in Brazil

Este artigo propõe o debate a respeito dos principais paradigmas a partir dos quais, usualmente, vêm sendo estudadas as propostas de ampliação dos canais de participação dos cidadãos na gestão das políticas públicas, análises que investigam os processos participativos ou desde o prisma dos "arranjos neocorporativos", ou por meio de uma perspectiva baseada na concepção de "democracia deliberativa". Visando este objetivo, o presente texto centra seus interesses na trajetória de duas das principais instâncias participativas que, nas últimas décadas, foram desenvolvidas no Brasil: os orçamentos participativos e os conselhos de políticas públicas. Estas instâncias foram avaliadas levando em consideração, especialmente, quatro elementos a) relações institucionais com os governos; b) perfil dos participantes; c) âmbito decisório e, d) dinâmicas de funcionamento. A partir do estudo destas características, os autores discutem sobre a capacidade dos paradigmas neocorporativo e deliberativo constituírem um modelo analítico consistente para a investigação de estruturas participativas dessemelhantes.<br>This article considers the debate on the major paradigms through which are usually examined the proposals to widen the channels of citizen participation in the management of public policies; studies that examine the participatory processes not only from the prism of the "neo-corporatist arrangements," but also through an approach based on the concept of "deliberative democracy." Aiming at this goal, this paper emphasizes the history of two of the main participatory instances that, in recent decades, have been developed in Brazil: the participatory budgeting and the public policy councils. These instances were evaluated taking into account four aspects in particular: a) institutional relationships with the government; b) the profile of the participants; c) the decision-making context; and d) the functioning dynamics. Considering the study of these characteristics, the authors discuss the ability of the neo-corporatist and the deliberative paradigms to create a consistent analytical model for the investigation of divergent participatory structures

Neotropical freshwater fisheries : A dataset of occurrence and abundance of freshwater fishes in the Neotropics

The Neotropical region hosts 4225 freshwater fish species, ranking first among the world's most diverse regions for freshwater fishes. Our NEOTROPICAL FRESHWATER FISHES data set is the first to produce a large-scale Neotropical freshwater fish inventory, covering the entire Neotropical region from Mexico and the Caribbean in the north to the southern limits in Argentina, Paraguay, Chile, and Uruguay. We compiled 185,787 distribution records, with unique georeferenced coordinates, for the 4225 species, represented by occurrence and abundance data. The number of species for the most numerous orders are as follows: Characiformes (1289), Siluriformes (1384), Cichliformes (354), Cyprinodontiformes (245), and Gymnotiformes (135). The most recorded species was the characid Astyanax fasciatus (4696 records). We registered 116,802 distribution records for native species, compared to 1802 distribution records for nonnative species. The main aim of the NEOTROPICAL FRESHWATER FISHES data set was to make these occurrence and abundance data accessible for international researchers to develop ecological and macroecological studies, from local to regional scales, with focal fish species, families, or orders. We anticipate that the NEOTROPICAL FRESHWATER FISHES data set will be valuable for studies on a wide range of ecological processes, such as trophic cascades, fishery pressure, the effects of habitat loss and fragmentation, and the impacts of species invasion and climate change. There are no copyright restrictions on the data, and please cite this data paper when using the data in publications

Health-status outcomes with invasive or conservative care in coronary disease

BACKGROUND In the ISCHEMIA trial, an invasive strategy with angiographic assessment and revascularization did not reduce clinical events among patients with stable ischemic heart disease and moderate or severe ischemia. A secondary objective of the trial was to assess angina-related health status among these patients. METHODS We assessed angina-related symptoms, function, and quality of life with the Seattle Angina Questionnaire (SAQ) at randomization, at months 1.5, 3, and 6, and every 6 months thereafter in participants who had been randomly assigned to an invasive treatment strategy (2295 participants) or a conservative strategy (2322). Mixed-effects cumulative probability models within a Bayesian framework were used to estimate differences between the treatment groups. The primary outcome of this health-status analysis was the SAQ summary score (scores range from 0 to 100, with higher scores indicating better health status). All analyses were performed in the overall population and according to baseline angina frequency. RESULTS At baseline, 35% of patients reported having no angina in the previous month. SAQ summary scores increased in both treatment groups, with increases at 3, 12, and 36 months that were 4.1 points (95% credible interval, 3.2 to 5.0), 4.2 points (95% credible interval, 3.3 to 5.1), and 2.9 points (95% credible interval, 2.2 to 3.7) higher with the invasive strategy than with the conservative strategy. Differences were larger among participants who had more frequent angina at baseline (8.5 vs. 0.1 points at 3 months and 5.3 vs. 1.2 points at 36 months among participants with daily or weekly angina as compared with no angina). CONCLUSIONS In the overall trial population with moderate or severe ischemia, which included 35% of participants without angina at baseline, patients randomly assigned to the invasive strategy had greater improvement in angina-related health status than those assigned to the conservative strategy. The modest mean differences favoring the invasive strategy in the overall group reflected minimal differences among asymptomatic patients and larger differences among patients who had had angina at baseline

Initial invasive or conservative strategy for stable coronary disease

BACKGROUND Among patients with stable coronary disease and moderate or severe ischemia, whether clinical outcomes are better in those who receive an invasive intervention plus medical therapy than in those who receive medical therapy alone is uncertain. METHODS We randomly assigned 5179 patients with moderate or severe ischemia to an initial invasive strategy (angiography and revascularization when feasible) and medical therapy or to an initial conservative strategy of medical therapy alone and angiography if medical therapy failed. The primary outcome was a composite of death from cardiovascular causes, myocardial infarction, or hospitalization for unstable angina, heart failure, or resuscitated cardiac arrest. A key secondary outcome was death from cardiovascular causes or myocardial infarction. RESULTS Over a median of 3.2 years, 318 primary outcome events occurred in the invasive-strategy group and 352 occurred in the conservative-strategy group. At 6 months, the cumulative event rate was 5.3% in the invasive-strategy group and 3.4% in the conservative-strategy group (difference, 1.9 percentage points; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.8 to 3.0); at 5 years, the cumulative event rate was 16.4% and 18.2%, respectively (difference, 121.8 percentage points; 95% CI, 124.7 to 1.0). Results were similar with respect to the key secondary outcome. The incidence of the primary outcome was sensitive to the definition of myocardial infarction; a secondary analysis yielded more procedural myocardial infarctions of uncertain clinical importance. There were 145 deaths in the invasive-strategy group and 144 deaths in the conservative-strategy group (hazard ratio, 1.05; 95% CI, 0.83 to 1.32). CONCLUSIONS Among patients with stable coronary disease and moderate or severe ischemia, we did not find evidence that an initial invasive strategy, as compared with an initial conservative strategy, reduced the risk of ischemic cardiovascular events or death from any cause over a median of 3.2 years. The trial findings were sensitive to the definition of myocardial infarction that was used