Dom Quixote e os moinhos de vento na América Latina

THIS TEXT discusses the formation of Latin America, its place and role in configuring the "Coloniality of Power" as the world's dominant power pattern, and in the emergence of Western Europe as the control center for this standard. It also discusses Eurocentrism, the continent's hegemonic mode of producing and controlling knowledge - distant from, and opposed to the legacy of Don Quixote.NESTE TEXTO, discutem-se a formação da América Latina, seu lugar e seu papel na configuração da Colonialidade do poder como padrão de poder mundialmente dominante, e na emergência da Europa Ocidental como centro de controle desse padrão de poder. Discutem-se também o Eurocentrismo, seu modo hegemônico de produção e de controle do conhecimento, distante da e oposto à herança de Dom Quixote

Die Paradoxien der eurozentrierten kolonialen Moderne

Modernity cannot be separated from colonialism, we have to consider the specific colonialist mode of power, which is characterised by “rassialisation” on the one hand and a combination of all forms of exploitation under the rule of capital in order to produce commodities for the world market. Colonial modernity is in several aspects eurocentrical: providing the conditions of existence for a eurocentrical industrial capital and constituting a special horizon of meaning. The paradoxes and contradictions included in this process are analysed with focus on the history of “Latin America”

¿Entrela “guerra santa”y la“cruzada”?

Frente al ataque a las Torres Gemelas, el autor delinea los rasgos del terrorismo político y declara como su objetivo central cerrar los espacios democráticos. Subyace que así se producirá una polarización política que obligue a las víctimas y críticos del poder a seguir a los que dirigen el terrorismo. Esto, señala, es en perjuicio de los dominados,  pues por un lado la respuesta de los dominadores es, casi siempre, un terrorismo de estado, que atrapa  y tritura a dirigentes y miembros de las agrupaciones sociales opositoras. Postula que el terrorismo debe ser juzgado y castigado como todos los actos criminales; pero también también evitado, prevenido e impedido. Analiza la tesis de la guerra de las civilizaciones, y la respuesta estratégica de Bush.Suite à l’attaque des Tours Jumelles, l’auteur identifie les traits du terrorisme politique, déclarant que son objectif central consiste à fermer des espaces démocratiques. Il sous-entend que de cela entrainera une polarisation politique obligeant les victimes et les critiques du pouvoir à suivre ceux qui dirigent le terrorisme. Cela, souligne-t-il, est un préjudice des dominés, car d’une part, la réponse des dominateurs est, presque toujours, un terrorisme d’état, qui attrape et broie les dirigeants et les membres des collectifs sociaux d’opposition. Il affirme que le terrorisme doit être jugé et condamné comme tous les actes criminels ; mais il doit aussi être évité, anticipé et empêché. Il analyse la thèse de la guerre des civilisations, et la réponse stratégique de Bush.In reference to the Twin Towers attack, the author delineates the characteristics of political terrorism and declares as its central objective to seal of democratic space. Underlying to this strategy is the idea that it will lead to political polarization which will force victims and critics of power to follow those who lead terrorism. This, he says, in detriment of the dominated, because on one side, the dominant response is almost always state terrorism, which traps and destroys leaders and members of the opposing social groups. It postulates that terrorism should be judged and punished as all criminal acts, but also avoided, prevented and disabled. He then analyzes the thesis of the clash of civilizations, and Bush’s strategic answer

“Solidaridad” y capitalismo colonial/moderno

En el nuevo período histórico del patrón de poder colonial/moderno y en especial respecto de sus movimientos de re-concentración creciente del control del poder, los términos “economía solidaria” parecieran convocar imágenes extrañas, en realidad hostiles, al imaginario social dominante, una suerte de intrusión altruista en las relaciones del hiperfetichizado actual mercado capitalista. Desde esa perspectiva, parecería tratarse de algo análogo al reclamo de los sectores social-liberales supérstites en América Latina, de “re-fundar” la “política” por medio de una nueva asociación con la “ética”. Ambas, pues, parecerían provenir de una misma o análoga perspectiva bien/intencionada, pero desprendida de la materialidad de los procesos históricos en curso. Hay, sin embargo, entre ambos referentes, una insanable diferencia

“Solidaridad” y capitalismo colonial/moderno

En el nuevo período histórico del patrón de poder colonial/moderno y en especial respecto de sus movimientos de re-concentración creciente del control del poder, los términos “economía solidaria” parecieran convocar imágenes extrañas, en realidad hostiles, al imaginario social dominante, una suerte de intrusión altruista en las relaciones del hiperfetichizado actual mercado capitalista. Desde esa perspectiva, parecería tratarse de algo análogo al reclamo de los sectores social-liberales supérstites en América Latina, de “re-fundar” la “política” por medio de una nueva asociación con la “ética”. Ambas, pues, parecerían provenir de una misma o análoga perspectiva bien/intencionada, pero desprendida de la materialidad de los procesos históricos en curso. Hay, sin embargo, entre ambos referentes, una insanable diferencia

DESCOLONIALIDAD DEL PODER: EL HORIZONTE ALTERNATIVO

SIN RESUME

Aesthetics of Resistance in Western Sahara

In reaction to neo-liberal globalization policies that were spearheaded in the 1980s by Reagan-economics and Thatcherism, indignant movements ignited globally in distinct places, spaces, and territories, using diverse resistance strategies, both violent and nonviolent. Today, two years into the new social media revolutions, with the “Arab Spring” (in Tunisia known as Sidi Bouzid Revolt, in Libya as the Revolution of February 17th, and in Egypt as Revolution of January 25th), the “indignado/a” movement in Spain, and “Occupy Wall Street” in the United States, what does it mean to be “indignant”?Within an interdisciplinary Peace Studies and Research context, how do we begin to talk about and theorize this (inter)subjective move from being a “victim” to being “indignant?” And, how do we do so in a way that captures the complex and multi-layered dimensions of liberation struggles? We begin with a theoretical overview in order to frame the discussion. We then specifically examine the “Sahrawi Spring” in order to see theory in practice. As Africa’s last colony,Western Sahara provides an interesting look into the aesthetics of resistance

Latin American critical thought. Theory and practice

The resurgence of LATin AmericAn criTicAL thought in the late 1990s and the early twenty-first century has brought about some discoveries that distinguish it from the sociological production of the world. it is a scientific framework that has taken on the features of a new social scientific paradigm. A growing number of authors have aligned themselves with this perspective, with visions that include critical read- ings geared to contributing to transformative social change, in a Latin American context. Thus, we ask ourselves: What are the characteristics that distinguish Latin American critical thought and give it its identity? What are its germinal features and what are its unresolved matters? A distinguishing feature of this thought is its belonging to social sciences, particularly sociology and its traditions of critical theory, whose roots, as gramsci said, do not come from fundamentalist op- position but rather from the acquisition of scientific certainty on the basis of critical analysis (...