To Be and How Not To Be: The Challenges Of Nation-Building in Nigeria

The work is the analysis of both the various nation-building challenges that have confronted Nigeria since independence and the possible ways the country can overcome them. The dream of Nigeria since independence in 1960 is to turn itself into a viable and cohesive nation. This has become an impossible dream however due to a myriad of challenges. Nigeria is a multi-ethnic society with over 250 ethnic groups. Each of these ethnic groups also have religious and economic issues that separates them from one another.  Nigeria’s diversity has been a major obstacle in its drive to become a global and responsible player in the international community. By using the qualitative research methodology, the work identified various challenges, such as corruption, autarky, governance and distribution that have been the major barriers to the creation of a viable polity. The style used in the study is also historical, descriptive and analytical. Crucially, the study also used the concept of nation-building as its Theoretical Framework. This has made it possible for the work to highlight and posit specific pragmatic and logical ways Nigeria can overcome its nation-building challenges and emerge a viable, cohesive and functional polity in the 21st century

Civil Society Groups (CSGs) and the democratisation process in Nigeria, 1960-2007

This paper analyses the significant role the civil society groups (CSGs) played in the democratisation process in Nigeria between 1960 and 2007. The paper discovers that the CSGs made use of the conceptual mechanism in the democratisation process of Nigeria. The conceptual mechanism allowed the CSGs to inject such important concepts as accountability, rule of law, democracy, transparency, human rights and due process into the democratisation process between 1960 and 2007. These concepts were used to tackle some of the major democratization challenges, such as corruption, religious crisis and governance that confronted Nigeria between 1960 and 2007. By using the historical methodology, the paper analyses the crucial role the CSGs played in both the civilian and military administrations thatgoverned Nigeria between 1960 and 2007. The central thrust of the paper is to show how the CSGs contributed to the enthronement of democracy and democratic practices in Nigeria

Countering Terrorism and Criminal Financing in Nigeria: Strategic Options

Este trabajo analiza los esfuerzos de Nigeria para contrarrestar la financiación del terrorismo y la criminalidad. Muestra que las organizaciones criminales y terroristas en el país costean sus operaciones a través de una infraestructura financiera ilegal incrustada en el sector financiero del país. Para contrarrestar y negar el acceso a estos actores no estatales malignos a fondos que podrían usarse para desestabilizar el estado y comprometer la integridad de las instituciones financieras, Nigeria ha implementado varias estrategias. Al utilizar una metodología de investigación cualitativa y un enfoque histórico, descriptivo y narrativo, se descubrió que Nigeria ha utilizado instituciones gubernamentales, como la Comisión de Delitos Económicos y Financieros (EFCC) y la Unidad de Inteligencia Financiera de Nigeria (NFIU), e instrumentos financiero-legales, como la Ley (de Prevención) (Enmienda) del Terrorismo (TPAA) y la Ley contra el Lavado de Dinero/Lucha contra el Financiamiento del Terrorismo (AML/CFT), para interrumpir el flujo de financiación al terrorismo y la criminalidad en el país. En su conclusión, el trabajo argumenta que Nigeria tendrá que ser estratégica en su respuesta si espera contrarrestar efectivamente la financiación del terrorismo y la criminalidad. Esta respuesta estratégica, según evidencia la investigación, implicará el uso extensivo de la experiencia técnica y financiera de organismos internacionales contra el lavado de dinero como el Grupo EGMONT y el Grupo de Acción Financiera Internacional (GAFI).This work analysis Nigeria’s effort to counter terrorism and criminal financing (TCF). It shows that criminal and terrorist organizations in fund their operations through an illegal financial infrastructure embedded in the Nigerian financial sector. To counter and deny access to funds that could be used to destabilize the state and compromise the integrity of financial institutions in the country to these malign non-state actors, Nigeria has deployed several strategies. By using qualitative research methodology, and a historical, descriptive, and narrative approach, it was discovered that Nigeria has used both government institutions, such as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) and legal-cum financial instruments, such as the Terrorism (Prevention) (Amendment) Act (TPAA) and the Anti Money Laundering/Combating Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT), to disrupt TCF in the country. In its conclusion, the work argues that Nigeria will have to be strategic in its response if it hopes to effectively counter TCF. This strategic response, this work show, will involve the extensive use of technical and financial expertise from international anti-money laundering bodies like the EGMONT Group and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF)

ANALYSING NIGERIA-BOKO HARAM CONFLICT THROUGH THE PRISM OF MARX’S THEORY OF ECONOMIC DETERMINISM

Karya ini menganalisis konflik antara Nigeria dan Boko Haram dari perspektif teori Determinisme Ekonomi Karl Marx. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif berdasarkan data kepustakaan, penulis mencoba mencari ide yang dapat digunakan sebagai analisis resolusi konflik. Dia berpendapat bahwa faktor utama yang bertanggung jawab atas sifat konflik yang tidak dapat diselesaikan adalah manfaat material yang diperoleh elit politik dari perluasannya. Para penulis menggunakan teori Determinisme Ekonomi untuk menunjukkan secara rinci bagaimana oligarki yang berkuasa di Nigeria telah memperingatkan setiap upaya untuk menyelesaikan konflik. Karya tersebut menunjukkan contoh spesifik antara 2009 dan 2019 di mana oligarki yang berkuasa di Nigeria bertindak aktif untuk setiap upaya yang dilakukan untuk menyelesaikan konflik antara Nigeria dan Boko Haram karena keinginan mereka untuk tidak terbatas pada keuangan. Ini termasuk, namun tidak terbatas pada, skandal kontrak Shaldag 2010, skandal Dasukigate 2013, dan skandal pengadaan senjata 2014. Sebagai kesimpulan, tahun ini berpendapat bahwa Nigeria harus memasukkan ide dan konsep seperti transparansi, kontrol dan pemantauan, dan inklusivitas masyarakat ke dalam proses konfliknya. jika Anda berharap untuk mengalahkan kelompok Boko HaramThis work analyzes the conflict between Nigeria and Boko Haram from the perspective of Karl Marx's theory of Economic Determinism. By using a qualitative approach based on literature data, the author tries to find an idea that can be used as a conflict resolution analysis. He argues that the main factor responsible for the unresolvable nature of the conflict is the material benefits that political elites derive from its extension. The authors use the theory of Economic Determinism to show in detail how the ruling oligarchy in Nigeria has thwarted any attempt to resolve the conflict. The work shows a specific example between 2009 and 2019 where the ruling oligarchy in Nigeria acted actively for any efforts made to resolve the conflict between Nigeria and Boko Haram because their desire to have was not limited to finances. These include, but are not limited to, the 2010 Shaldag contract scandal, the 2013 Dasukigate scandal and the 2014 arms procurement scandal. In conclusion, the year argues that Nigeria should incorporate ideas and concepts such as transparency, control and monitoring, and community inclusiveness into its conflict process. if you hope to defeat the Boko Haram group

The Pitfalls of Unilateralism: The United States in Syria

Unilateral intervention in the internal conflicts of other states all over the world has been part of superpower relations since the dawn of the modern nation-state in 1648 States that carry out such incursions usually premise their involvements on the need to maintain international peace and security on the one hand and for humanitarian consideration at the other extreme Since the end of the Second World War in 1945 America has intervened in various internal conflicts of other states all over the world The usual justification has always been the need to either preserve peace within the international political system or to provide humanitarian assistance Rather than use multilateral mechanisms in such engagements the United States has always preferred unilateral intervention It is within this context that America s role in Syria is analyzed The emphasis of this work shows the impact of American unilateralism in Syria the Middle East and the world at larg

O PAPEL DA NIGÉRIA NA EXPULSÃO/RETIRADA DA ÁFRICA DO SUL DA COMUNIDADE DAS NAÇÕES

Nigeria’s commitment to the anti-apartheid struggle had been made absolutely clear even before it attained its independence on October 1st, 1960. Following the Sharpeville massacres of March 21st, 1960, when South African police shot and killed 72 blacks and wounded 184, there was a general consensus among all Nigerian political parties, as well as the regional and federal governments, that decisive actions should be taken against the Pretoria regime in order to force that regime to change its abominable apartheid policy. This event marked the beginning of Nigeria’s confrontation against white South Africa. Nigeria demanded and spearheaded the forceful expulsion/withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth by mobilizing other black African countries in isolating South Africa in such a way that it would realize the absurdity of its racist policies. It is against this background that this paper assesses Nigeria’s role in the expulsion or forceful withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth of Nations.O compromisso da Nigéria com a luta anti-apartheid havia sido deixado absolutamente claro antes mesmo de alcançar sua independência, em 1º de outubro de 1960. Após os massacres de Sharpeville de 21 de março de 1960, quando a polícia sul-africana atirou e matou 72 negros e deixou 184 feridos, houve um consenso geral entre todos os partidos políticos nigerianos, assim como os governos regional e federal, de que ações decisivas deveriam ser tomadas contra o regime de Pretória para forçar esse regime a mudar sua abominável política de apartheid. Este evento marcou o início do confronto da Nigéria contra a África do Sul branca. A Nigéria exigiu e liderou a forte expulsão/retirada da África do Sul da Comunidade das Nações, mobilizando outros países africanos negros para isolar a África do Sul de tal forma que ela perceberia o absurdo de suas políticas racistas. É neste contexto que este trabalho avalia o papel da Nigéria na expulsão ou retirada forçada da África do Sul da Comunidade das Nações

O PAPEL DA NIGÉRIA NA EXPULSÃO/RETIRADA DA ÁFRICA DO SUL DA COMUNIDADE DAS NAÇÕES

Nigeria’s commitment to the anti-apartheid struggle had been made absolutely clear even before it attained its independence on October 1st, 1960. Following the Sharpeville massacres of March 21st, 1960, when South African police shot and killed 72 blacks and wounded 184, there was a general consensus among all Nigerian political parties, as well as the regional and federal governments, that decisive actions should be taken against the Pretoria regime in order to force that regime to change its abominable apartheid policy. This event marked the beginning of Nigeria’s confrontation against white South Africa. Nigeria demanded and spearheaded the forceful expulsion/withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth by mobilizing other black African countries in isolating South Africa in such a way that it would realize the absurdity of its racist policies. It is against this background that this paper assesses Nigeria’s role in the expulsion or forceful withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth of Nations.O compromisso da Nigéria com a luta anti-apartheid havia sido deixado absolutamente claro antes mesmo de alcançar sua independência, em 1º de outubro de 1960. Após os massacres de Sharpeville de 21 de março de 1960, quando a polícia sul-africana atirou e matou 72 negros e deixou 184 feridos, houve um consenso geral entre todos os partidos políticos nigerianos, assim como os governos regional e federal, de que ações decisivas deveriam ser tomadas contra o regime de Pretória para forçar esse regime a mudar sua abominável política de apartheid. Este evento marcou o início do confronto da Nigéria contra a África do Sul branca. A Nigéria exigiu e liderou a forte expulsão/retirada da África do Sul da Comunidade das Nações, mobilizando outros países africanos negros para isolar a África do Sul de tal forma que ela perceberia o absurdo de suas políticas racistas. É neste contexto que este trabalho avalia o papel da Nigéria na expulsão ou retirada forçada da África do Sul da Comunidade das Nações

Terrorism 4.0: A Global and Structural Analysis

The paper is an analysis of the different typology, forms and aspects of terrorism in its modern incarnation. It is a critical and thorough analysis of the varied manifestations of terrorism in the international political system. The paper shows that terrorism has evolved with modernity. Terrorism in its new variation is what this paper has called ‘Terrorism 4.0.’ Terrorism 4.0 (T4) has two basic and definable characteristics: it is fratricidal and genocidal in nature. The paper explores the different strategies and tactics employed by various and distinct terrorist groups to destabilize states in the international political system using T4 in combination with traditional terrorism practices. By drawing on the activities of non-state actors such as ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Tehrik-i-Taliban , Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, Hamas and Hezbollah, the paper shows that terrorism has evolved beyond its traditional conceptions in the 20thcentury

O PAPEL DA NIGÉRIA NA EXPULSÃO/RETIRADA DA ÁFRICA DO SUL DA COMUNIDADE DAS NAÇÕES

Nigeria’s commitment to the anti-apartheid struggle had been made absolutely clear even before it attained its independence on October 1st, 1960. Following the Sharpeville massacres of March 21st, 1960, when South African police shot and killed 72 blacks and wounded 184, there was a general consensus among all Nigerian political parties, as well as the regional and federal governments, that decisive actions should be taken against the Pretoria regime in order to force that regime to change its abominable apartheid policy. This event marked the beginning of Nigeria’s confrontation against white South Africa. Nigeria demanded and spearheaded the forceful expulsion/withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth by mobilizing other black African countries in isolating South Africa in such a way that it would realize the absurdity of its racist policies. It is against this background that this paper assesses Nigeria’s role in the expulsion or forceful withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth of Nations.O compromisso da Nigéria com a luta anti-apartheid havia sido deixado absolutamente claro antes mesmo de alcançar sua independência, em 1º de outubro de 1960. Após os massacres de Sharpeville de 21 de março de 1960, quando a polícia sul-africana atirou e matou 72 negros e deixou 184 feridos, houve um consenso geral entre todos os partidos políticos nigerianos, assim como os governos regional e federal, de que ações decisivas deveriam ser tomadas contra o regime de Pretória para forçar esse regime a mudar sua abominável política de apartheid. Este evento marcou o início do confronto da Nigéria contra a África do Sul branca. A Nigéria exigiu e liderou a forte expulsão/retirada da África do Sul da Comunidade das Nações, mobilizando outros países africanos negros para isolar a África do Sul de tal forma que ela perceberia o absurdo de suas políticas racistas. É neste contexto que este trabalho avalia o papel da Nigéria na expulsão ou retirada forçada da África do Sul da Comunidade das Nações