How is the COVID19 Pandemic Affecting Europeans' Lives?

The coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic is an unprecedented health crisis. Nearly a third of the global population is undergoing some form of curfew, isolation, or are being placed under restrictive measures (Kaplan, Frias & McFall-Johnsen, 2020). Therefore, it is not surprising that the spread of COVID-19 could soon turn into a serious psychological, social and political emergency. The COVIDiSTRESS global survey was designed by an international group of social scientists from more than fifty universities to measure the psychological correlates and implications of the current crisis. The study has so far involved more than 150,000 individual respondents from over than 50 different countries, sharing their experience of the human consequences of the crisis. The report below describes a series of chosen variables. It focuses on the 75,570 respondents from the 27 countries composing the European Union (EU) who answered the survey between March 30th and April 20th

That is how we do it around here: Levels of identification, masculine honor, and social activism against organized crime in the south of Italy

Masculine honor is an important cultural code in the south of Italy. Italian criminal organizations (COs) manipulate and exploit this code to maintain legitimacy among local populations and exert social control in the territory where they operate. This research tested the hypothesis that different levels of identification—the region and the nation—would have opposite associations with male honor-related values and, indirectly, with intentions to oppose COs collectively. Results from a sample of young southern Italians (N?=?170) showed that regional identification positively predicted endorsement of male honor-related values, which in turn were associated with lowered intentions to oppose COs. In contrast, national identification negatively predicted male honor-related values, associated in turn with stronger intentions to oppose COs. These results also held when perceived risk and social dominance orientation were taken into account. Directions for future research are discussed

Social Representations of Protest and Police after the Genoa G8 Summit: A Qualitative Analysis of Activist Accounts of Events

The Genoa G8 Summit was marred by violence and conflicts between police and activists. Afterwards, these different groups constructed clashing discourses about the events. In turn, these discourses sustained different types of social representations about the nature of the conflict. Earlier analyses of hegemonic social representation examining the Italian press suggested that non-violent activists were subject to processes of delegitimisation and that they were identified with black bloc activists (Cristante, 2003; Juris, 2005; Zamperini & Botticini, 2006). Conversely, in this study we analyze activists\u2019 accounts of the protest and of the violent police repression. We examine a collection of published texts (N= 223) posted on a \u201ccyber-wall\u201d online as part of a collaborative project from three Italian media outlets: Il Manifesto, Radio Popolare, Carta. These texts represent a form of \u201ccounter-narrative\u201d produced by a stigmatized group to contest the dominant discourse, creating a tripartite of relations between non-violent activists, police and the black bloc . The analysis of these texts shows that activists represent the protest as a battle between two groups. Activists describe police as coercive, incompetent, and as the enemy. While the black bloc was perceived to have damaged the protest they were not depicted as the enemy. Cognitive, emotive and behavioral factors associated with these representations are highlighted and discussed, together with the implications for future intergroup relations between activists and the police

‘If They Don’t Listen to Us, they Deserve It’: The Effect of External Efficacy and Anger on the Perceived Legitimacy of Hacking

We conducted two studies examining the factors underlying individuals’ legitimization of hackers (digital actors operating on the internet). Drawing on the social banditry framework, and research on political action, we focused on the mediating role of anger in the association between external political efficacy and perceived legitimization of hackers’ actions. Specifically, we manipulated whether the system was responsive to participants’ demands following unfair treatment in a university (Study 1) and in an online work platform (Study 2) context. In Study 1 (N = 259) British undergraduate students read about unfair ‘grading’ practices. They were then informed that the management was either willing (high external political efficacy) or unwilling (low external political efficacy) to investigate the matter. In Study 2 (N = 222), British participants were recruited via Prolific Academic and were presented with a scenario describing an unfair rejection of their work. They were then informed that the platform admin was either willing or not willing to investigate their case. Across studies, participants were informed that hackers had attacked the website. Supporting the social banditry framework, results indicated that individuals who perceive the system as unresponsive to their demands tended to legitimize hackers’ actions via stronger perceived anger against the system. Implications of the results, and future directions are discussed

Honor Values as Identity Content: Evidence From a Three-Wave Longitudinal Study

Reputation refers to the set of judgments a community makes about its members. In cultures of honor, reputation constitutes one of the most pressing concerns of individuals. Reputational concerns are intimately intertwined with people’s social identities. However, research has yet to address the question of how honor-related reputational concerns are structured at the within-person level vis-à-vis individuals’ identification with relevant group memberships. The present longitudinal study investigated the association between social identification and reputational concerns in southern Italy (N1st-wave = 1,173), a little-studied culture of honor. Specifically, using a random intercept cross-lagged panel model, we tested whether reputational concerns predict, are predicted by, or are bidirectionally linked to individuals’ identification with their region, a group membership relevant for the endorsement of honor. Findings revealed a positive association at the within-person level between group identification and subsequent honor-related concerns. Longitudinal paths from reputational concerns to identification were not significant. Implications of the findings and directions for future research are discussed

How criminal organisations exert secret power over communities: An intracultural appropriation theory of cultural values and norms

Criminal organisations have the ability to exert secret power – governance over the community and inhibition of opposition (omertà). Traditionally, omertà has been attributed to fear or passivity. Here, a model grounded in different premises, Intracultural Appropriation Theory (ICAT), stresses the central role of culture in sustaining relations of domination between groups. Specifically, ICAT contends that non-state agents achieve legitimacy among people by claiming to embody cultural values shared within the community. In the case of Italian organised crime, criminal organisations’ adherence to values of masculine honour bestows legitimacy on their actions, enabling them to exert secret power. We report evidence in support of this proposition, and derive a new formulation of omertà focussing on social identity, emotions and social change beliefs. We suggest that the theory contributes to a new perspective for the analysis of culture, political action, and honour, and that it should generalise in other contexts and countries

The dangers of distrustful complacency: Low concern and low political trust combine to undermine compliance with governmental restrictions in the emerging Covid-19 pandemic

People comply with governmental restrictions for different motives, notably because they are concerned about the issue at hand or because they trust their government to enact appropriate regulations. The present study focuses on the role of concern and political trust in people’s willingness to comply with governmental restrictions during the Covid-19 pandemic. We conducted a survey amongst Italian and French participants (N = 372) in March 2020 while both countries had imposed full lockdown. Moreover, a subsample of participants reported on their actual levels of compliance one week later (N = 130). We hypothesised that either concern or trust should be sufficient to sustain participants’ willingness to comply and actual behaviour, but that the absence of both (distrustful complacency) would reduce compliance significantly. Results supported this hypothesis. We discuss implications of the interaction between concern and trust for public behaviour strategies as the pandemic progresses

Integration of Molecular Data in the Prognostic Stratification and Management of Endometrial Carcinoma

In the last years, the TCGA-based molecular classifier have been progressively integrated in the management of endometrial carcinoma. While molecular assays are increasingly available across pathology laboratories, the additional costs will expectedly be compensated by a reduction in overtreatments and a prevention of recurrences. The additional time might be shortened by assessing molecular markers on biopsy specimens. Retrospective data suggest that the molecular classifier will have a major impact of on the risk stratification, with many patients having their risk class down- or upstaged based on POLE mutations or p53 abnormalities, respectively. However, there are still several issues to be resolved, such as the prognostic value of the TCGA classifier in each FIGO stage, or the type of adjuvant treatment most suitable for each molecular group. Other issues regard the prognostic stratification of the mismatch repair-deficient and “no specific molecular profile” groups, which currently follows the same criteria; however, the former seems to be prognostically consistent regardless of FIGO grade and histotype, whereas the latter appears highly heterogeneous. Numerous clinical, histological, immunohistochemical and molecular markers have been proposed to refine the TCGA classification, but their prognostic value is still undefined. Hopefully, prospective data collected in the next years will help resolving these issues

TCGA molecular groups of endometrial cancer: Pooled data about prognosis

Background: After The Cancer Genome Atlas (TCGA) findings, four novel prognostic groups may direct the management of endometrial cancer (EC): POLE-mutated/ultramutated (POLEmt), microsatellite-instable/hypermutated (MSI), copy-number-low/p53-wild-type (p53wt), and copy-number-high/p53-mutated (p53mt). However, data about prognosis in each group are different across the studies, and definitive pooled estimates are lacking after validation series. Such data may be crucial in directing clinical study design and establishing the optimal tailored management of patients. Aim: To provide pooled estimates of hazard ratio (HR) for overall survival (OS), disease-specific survival (DSS), progression-free survival (PFS) in each prognostic group. Materials and methods: A systematic review and meta-analysis was performed by searching 7 electronic databases, from their inception to April 2019, for studies assessing prognosis in each TCGA EC group. Both univariable and multivariable HR analysis was performed for OS, DSS and PFS in each group, using p53wt as reference group. Results: Six studies with 2818 patients were included. Regarding OS, pooled HRs were 3.179 and 1.986 for p53mt group, 1.522 and 1.192 for MSI group, and 0.589 and 0.795 for POLEmt group at univariable and multivariable analyses, respectively. Regarding DSS, pooled HR were 5.052 and 2.133 for p53mt group, 1.965 and 1.068 for MSI group, and 0.552 and 0.325 for POLEmt group at univariable and multivariable analyses, respectively. Regarding PFS, pooled HR were 3.512 and 1.833 for p53mt group, 1.354 and 0.817 for MSI group, and 0.287 and 0.217 for POLEmt group at univariable and multivariable analyses, respectively. Conclusions: Prognosis of p53mt group is consistently the worst one and is further worsened by unfavorable clinicopathological factors. Prognosis of MSI group overlaps with p53wt group but is worsened by unfavorable clinicopathological factors. Prognosis of POLEmt group is the best one and does not seem to be significantly affected by clinicopathological factors