In search of intonational cues to content word beginnings in conversational speech

International audienceWe used an annotated conversational French speech corpus to 1. investigate whether the intonational rises that occur at the beginning of French content words in read speech (APRs) are also present in spontaneous speech and therefore available as cues to word segmentation and lexical access, and 2. test two measures of characterizing intonation patterns using automatically extracted F0 and time values. The two measures tested both proved problematic: they were sensitive to the segmental composition of the critical region. We found no evidence that APRs are reliably present in the corpus as a whole, although we suggest that they may be present in particular types of conversational speech

Segmental intonation information in French fricatives

International audienceWe examined the "segmental intonation" hypothesis (Niebuhr, 2012), according to which voiceless consonants contain spectral information that may contribute to the percept of high or low pitch in the absence of fundamental frequency (F0). French speakers read target words embedded in a carrier phrase and containing fricatives in accentual phrase-initial,-medial or-final position (e.g. sidéré 'stunned', nécessite 'require', ressaisisse 'seize again'), expected to correspond to regions of low, intermediate or high F0, respectively, as well as control words containing only sonorants (e.g. laminé 'rolled'). Analyses show lower center of gravity (CoG) for word-initial (low F0 region) than for word-final (high F0 region) fricatives. For word-final fricatives, CoG is higher at the end than in the beginning of the fricative, which may contribute to the percept of the continuation of the F0 rise across the preceding vowel.ReferenceNiebuhr, Oliver. 2012. At the edge of intonation – The interplay of utterance-final F0 movements and voiceless fricative sounds. Phonetica 69, 7–27

Are tones aligned with articulatory events? Evidence from Italian and French

International audienceTonal alignment work has suggested that the temporal location of tonal targets relative to segmental "anchors" might be governed by principles of synchrony and stability (Arvaniti et al 1998, Ladd et al. 1999, inter alia). However, a number of discrepancies have emerged in the cross-linguistic study of alignment. For instance, despite some regularities in the alignment of L targets (Caspers and van Heuven 1993; Prieto et al. 1995), the alignment of H targets appears to be quite controversial. In fact, it is sometimes difficult to find definite segmental landmarks to which such targets might be aligned. Also, most of the alignment proposals so far inherently assume that if some anchors for tonal alignment do exist they must be acoustic in nature. A plausible alternative would be to assume that such anchors are primarily articulatory, which would explain why in some cases the underlying regularities would be masked. Hence, we adopt a new experimental paradigm for alignment research in which articulatory measures are performed simultaneously with acoustic measures. In order to test the constant alignment hypothesis, a preliminary study (D'Imperio et al. 2003) was conducted in which various latency measures, both acoustically and articulatorily based, were analyzed. Specifically, the kinematics of OPTOTRAK markers attached to the speaker's upper and lower lip was tracked over time during the production of the corpus sentences. The melodic target considered is the H tone of LH nuclear rises in Neapolitan Italian. In this variety, yes/no question LH rises are systematically later than (narrow focus) statement LH rises (D'Imperio 2000, 2001, 2002; D'Imperio and House 1997). In order to test the hypothesis of constant anchoring of H targets, the materials were produced with two different rates of speech, i.e. normal and fast. Summarizing the results, H targets of nuclear rises in Neapolitan statements and questions appear to be more closely phased with the articulatory dimension of between-lip distance than with two of the most commonly employed acoustic segmental landmarks for tonal alignment (i.e., onset and offset of stressed vowel). Statement H tones are phased with maximum between-lip distance within the stressed syllable. Note that this location does not correspond to any identifiable segmental boundary, acoustic event or phonological unit, and does not overlap with RMS peak amplitude. In fact, RMS peaks were generally much earlier than articulatory peaks, hence further away from H peaks. This calls for the collection and analysis of more articulatory data (especially jaw and tongue movements) to shed light on tonal alignment issues.In a second study, a French corpus was collected on the basis of the alignment contrast found by Welby (2003, in press). Welby's results show that listeners use the alignment of the initial rise (LHi) in French Accentual Phrases as a cue to speech segmentation. Specifically, listeners exploit the presence of an early rise to demarcate the beginning of a content word. In the present study, a corpus was built with a set of utterances displaying this specific alignment contrast. The kinematics of 10 pellets (8 on the face and tongue, 2 references) was tracked over time using an electromagnetometer (EMA, Carstens). The phasing of several articulatory events relative to the L and H part of the early rise were examined. The preliminary results seem to point to some kind of fine alignment specification for the L and H target. Specifically, we hypothesize that tonal target commands of Neapolitan as well as French rises are phased with commands of the supralaryngeal articulator involved to produce the segments to which the tone is associated. Regarding the word segmentation issue for French, it is important to study alignment in a diachronic perspective since we know of case of speech segmentation errors that can lead to lexical reinterpretation and change (l'abondance "abundance" > la bondance, from Welby 2003). We also take these results to suggest that not all rises align in the same way with the associated syllable. Though the role of articulatory constraints is important, the exact phasing properties of prosodic events are language-specific. Since prosody has recently become the realm of investigation of the Task Dynamics program (Byrd and Saltzman 2003), our alignment work will be cast under such a perspective

Intonational structure as a word-boundary cue in Tokyo Japanese

While listeners are recognizing words from the connected speech stream, they are also parsing information from the intonational contour. This contour may contain cues to word boundaries, particularly if a language has boundary tones that occur at a large proportion of word onsets. We investigate how useful the pitch rise at the beginning of an accentual phrase (APR) would be as a potential word-boundary cue for Japanese listeners. A corpus study shows that it should allow listeners to locate approximately 40–60% of word onsets, while causing less than 1% false positives. We then present a word-spotting study which shows that Japanese listeners can, indeed, use accentual phrase boundary cues during segmentation. This work shows that the prosodic patterns that have been found in the production of Japanese also impact listeners’ processing

Effects of the Native Language on the Learning of Fundamental Frequency in Second-Language Speech Segmentation

This study investigates whether the learning of prosodic cues to word boundaries in speech segmentation is more difficult if the native and second/foreign languages (L1 and L2) have similar (though non-identical) prosodies than if they have markedly different prosodies (Prosodic-Learning Interference Hypothesis). It does so by comparing French, Korean, and English listeners' use of fundamental-frequency (F0) rise as a cue to word-final boundaries in French. F0 rise signals phrase-final boundaries in French and Korean but word-initial boundaries in English. Korean-speaking and English-speaking L2 learners of French, who were matched in their French proficiency and French experience, and native French listeners completed a visual-world eye-tracking experiment in which they recognized words whose final boundary was or was not cued by an increase in F0. The results showed that Korean listeners had greater difficulty using F0 rise as a cue to word-final boundaries in French than French and English listeners. This suggests that L1-L2 prosodic similarity can make the learning of an L2 segmentation cue difficult, in line with the proposed Prosodic-Learning Interference Hypothesis. We consider mechanisms that may underlie this difficulty and discuss the implications of our findings for understanding listeners' phonological encoding of L2 words.This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under grant no. BCS-1423905 awarded to the first author. Support for this research also comes from a Language Learning small research grant awarded to the first author

Effects of the Native Language on the Learning of Fundamental Frequency in Second-Language Speech Segmentation

This study investigates whether the learning of prosodic cues to word boundaries in speech segmentation is more difficult if the native and second/foreign languages (L1 and L2) have similar (though non-identical) prosodies than if they have markedly different prosodies (Prosodic-Learning Interference Hypothesis). It does so by comparing French, Korean, and English listeners’ use of fundamental-frequency (F0) rise as a cue to word-final boundaries in French. F0 rise signals phrase-final boundaries in French and Korean but word-initial boundaries in English. Korean-speaking and English speaking L2 learners of French, who were matched in their French proficiency and French experience, and native French listeners completed a visual-world eye-tracking experiment in which they recognized words whose final boundary was or was not cued by an increase in F0. The results showed that Korean listeners had greater difficulty using F0 rise as a cue to word-final boundaries in French than French and English listeners. This suggests that L1–L2 prosodic similarity can make the learning of an L2 segmentation cue difficult, in line with the proposed Prosodic-Learning Interference Hypothesis. We consider mechanisms that may underlie this difficulty and discuss the implications of our findings for understanding listeners’ phonological encoding of L2 words

Effects of rhythm and phrase-final lengthening on word-spotting in Korean

A word-spotting experiment was conducted to investigate whether rhythmic consistency and phrase-final lengthening facilitate performance in Korean. Listeners had to spot disyllabic and trisyllabic words in nonsense strings organized in phrases with either the same or variable syllable count; phrase-final lengthening was absent, or occurring either in all phrases or only in the phrase immediately preceding the target. The results show that, for disyllabic targets, inconsistent syllable count and lengthening before the target led to fewer errors. For trisyllabic targets, accuracy was at ceiling, but final lengthening in all phrases reduced reaction times. The results imply that both rhythmic consistency (i.e. regular syllable count) and phrase-final lengthening play a role in word-spotting and, by extension, in speech processing in Korean, as in other languages. However, the results also reflect the language specific role of prosodic cues. First, the cues here were used primarily with disyllabic targets, which were cognitively more demanding to process partly due to their high phonological neighborhood density. Second, the facilitating effect of rhythmic consistency was weak, possibly because strict consistency is not present in spoken Korean. Overall, rhythmic consistency facilitated spotting when targets mapped onto phrases, confirming the importance of phrasal organization in Korean speech processing

Prosodic detail in Neapolitan Italian

Recent findings on phonetic detail have been taken as supporting exemplar-based approaches to prosody. Through four experiments on both production and perception of both melodic and temporal detail in Neapolitan Italian, we show that prosodic detail is not incompatible with abstractionist approaches either. Specifically, we suggest that the exploration of prosodic detail leads to a refined understanding of the relationships between the richly specified and continuous varying phonetic information on one side, and coarse phonologically structured contrasts on the other, thus offering insights on how pragmatic information is conveyed by prosody

Prosodic detail in Neapolitan Italian

Recent findings on phonetic detail have been taken as supporting exemplar-based approaches to prosody. Through four experiments on both production and perception of both melodic and temporal detail in Neapolitan Italian, we show that prosodic detail is not incompatible with abstractionist approaches either. Specifically, we suggest that the exploration of prosodic detail leads to a refined understanding of the relationships between the richly specified and continuous varying phonetic information on one side, and coarse phonologically structured contrasts on the other, thus offering insights on how pragmatic information is conveyed by prosody