'What we might expect - if the highbrow weeklies advertized like the patent foods': Time and Tide, advertising, and the 'battle of the brows'

This essay examines both the advertising content and a discourse about commercial culture in the feminist weekly periodical Time and Tide. Taking a cue from Sean Latham and Robert Scholes's emphasis on advertising as 'a vital, even crucial part of the material culture that is the focus of the 'new periodical studies', I consider in particular Time and Tide's status as a commodity as well as a cultural object in order to tell a wider story about the relationship between women, feminism and the public sphere in Britain between the two world wars. Launched on 14 May 1920 Time and Tide began as an overtly feminist review of politics and the arts, directed and staffed entirely by women, and later evolved into a less woman-focused, more general audience journal, establishing a position among the leading political weeklies in Britain. As will be shown below, Time and Tide relied on women and the existence of a feminist counterpublic sphere to build its early readership base. But in an era still prejudiced against women's involvement in politics, Time and Tide was forced to compromise its overt identification with female and feminist cultures in order to secure its reputation for serious political journalism. In June 1938 the journal's founder and editor, Lady Margaret Rhondda, revealed in a private letter to Virginia Woolf: The general public is convinced that what women have to say on public affairs cannot have any real weight, so that if one uses many women's names ones circulation &-again-ones advertising are affected. I go through the paper every week taking out women's names and references to matters especially concerning women because if I left them in it would soon kill the paper. But it is maddening

Trolling democracy: anonymity doesn’t cause conflicts, bad site design does

‘Don’t feed the trolls’, people on social media are told. By forcing people to use their real names online, the managers of online forums hope to shame trolls into silence. But, Jennifer Forestal argues, this fails to tackle the root of the problem: a lack of the ‘close and direct intercourse and attachment’ which John Dewey believed was vital to democratic deliberation. We need to design online spaces where this can happen, rather than indiscriminately multiplying our connections and relying on top-down moderation. Some disruption is necessary when we talk about politics

Familal Ties and Women Electability in the Legislative Election in 2019: Insight from South Sumatera

The involvement of women in the political sphere will improve the quality of democracy in Indonesia. Women have the same political rights as men to actively participate in democracy by becoming political contestants, especially in the 2019 elections. The advancement of women legislative candidates to become state officials is something that needs to be appreciated amidst the patriarchal culture that is still inherent in Indonesia. The presence of women in politics cannot be separated from the role of men. This then becomes the focus and purpose of this article, which is to describe the familial ties that are attached to the electability of women in politics. The research method used in this article is a qualitative research method that is descriptive to explain the familial ties factor for women in political power, both as members of the DPR RI and DPD RI from South Sumatra in the 2019 elections. According to Richter, familial ties are the influence of male relatives (whether fathers, fathers-in-law, brothers, uncles, or husbands) who are influential and powerful politicians, who facilitate a woman politician to build and achieve certain political leadership roles and this can be seen in the campaign periods for legislative candidates, starting from placing billboards or posters for legislative candidates that include family names behind their real names, then using political party attributes such as political party colors for women whose relatives hold positions in political parties, up to involving relatives of political officials in campaigns carried out to the public. The existence of these familial ties is inseparable from the political capital owned by the elected candidates which should also be followed by their quality and capability in the political field so that it will avoid the impression of KKN (corruption, collusion, nepotism) where the families of officials who are considered to perpetuate their hegemony in the local political sphere

Jacques’o Lacano pertrūkio teorija: tikrovės perspektyva

The article analyses Jacques Lacan’s theory of rupture that encompasses the three planes – the imaginary, the Symbolic and the Real – that comprise his topology. It is named the theory of rupture because it allows grasping the unfinished Lacanian subject as it encounters Other in all of those planes. The main question is whether this lack could be considered as positive. The attention is paid to the phallic signifier; the hypothesis is that this signifier, by linking the symbolic and the Real, allows the creation of new meanings and the resistance towards the fundamental fantasy.The Lacanian ternary conception of topology helps us to analyse the field of politics. While grasping this field from the “ex-sisting” perspective of the Real, we can observe the two scenarios of the development of (political) subject. On the one hand, there is a possible link between the subject and fantasy, in which one tries to compensate for the lack of the Real by “comforting” itself in the plane of symbolic discourse. On the other hand, in the alternative scenario, the subject consciously admits its lack, rejects the fantasy and begins to create new names which “hole” the symbolic discourse itself as well as the insufficiency of the symbolic field. The Real is defended by the phallic signifier, which helps to maintain the subject’s negativity and militancy. By enclosing the Real into the Symbolic we create the new consistency as the subject seeks not to maintain a passive form and place inside the structure, but names the positive lack in the structure itself and thereby creates the new political content.Straipsnyje aptariama Jacques’o Lacano pertrūkio teorija, aprėpianti tris jo topologijos koncepcijoje figūruojančias plotmes – įsivaizduojamybės, simbolinę ir Tikrovės plotmę. Pertrūkio teorija ji vadintina todėl, kad ji leidžia įžvelgti Lacano postuluojamo subjekto neišbaigtumą kiekvienoje iš šių plotmių susiduriant su Kitu. Straipsnyje keliamas klausimas, ar Lacano visuose trijuose lygmenyse matomą stoką galima aptarti pozityviai. Ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas faliniam signifikantui, keliama hipotezė, kad jis, susiedamas simbolinę ir Tikrovės plotmes, leidžia kurti naujas prasmes ir nepasiduoti fundamentaliai fantazijai. Be to, Lacano teorines įžvalgas bus bandoma susieti su politine plotme

Preservationist Aesthetics: Memory, Trauma and the New Global Enclosures

My dissertation is a comparative study of the role of memory in four intersecting spheres of contemporary cultural production: (memory) art, (war) photography, (trauma) literature and the (memory) museum. It argues that the sites of memory in this study—including museums of memory and human rights, the famous Sonderkommando photographs and experimental works in conceptual art and literature—are characterized by a preservationist aesthetic, which names the principle of preservation at the heart of new practices of cultural resistance and new forms of enclosure through which social, political and economic exploitation are reframed, as aesthetic problems, in terms of loss and erasure. Against the liberal principles of empathy and identification, which inflect the current fields of trauma theory and memory politics, I argue that the dialectics of preservation and recovery in contemporary trauma texts—from Robben Island Museum to Alfredo Jaar’s Real Pictures to W.G. Sebald’s Austerlitz—demonstrate the relationship between cultural aesthetics and the ongoing process of primitive accumulation, and require us to rethink the politics of memory in relation to the recent wave of global enclosures. Drawing on Marx, Freud, Debord and Krauss, as well as a number of thinkers of trauma theory and primitive accumulation, my project examines how movements to preserve the memories of historical violence in the 21st century reflect the ways in which images of the past have become a ground for the new enclosures

Weakly-Supervised Neural Text Classification

Deep neural networks are gaining increasing popularity for the classic text classification task, due to their strong expressive power and less requirement for feature engineering. Despite such attractiveness, neural text classification models suffer from the lack of training data in many real-world applications. Although many semi-supervised and weakly-supervised text classification models exist, they cannot be easily applied to deep neural models and meanwhile support limited supervision types. In this paper, we propose a weakly-supervised method that addresses the lack of training data in neural text classification. Our method consists of two modules: (1) a pseudo-document generator that leverages seed information to generate pseudo-labeled documents for model pre-training, and (2) a self-training module that bootstraps on real unlabeled data for model refinement. Our method has the flexibility to handle different types of weak supervision and can be easily integrated into existing deep neural models for text classification. We have performed extensive experiments on three real-world datasets from different domains. The results demonstrate that our proposed method achieves inspiring performance without requiring excessive training data and outperforms baseline methods significantly.Comment: CIKM 2018 Full Pape

Subjectivation and performative politics—Butler thinking Althusser and Foucault: intelligibility, agency and the raced-nationed-religioned subjects of education

Judith Butler is perhaps best known for her take-up of the debate between Derrida and Austin over the function of the performative and her subsequent suggestion that the subject be understood as performatively constituted. Another important but less often noted move within Butler‘s consideration of the processes through which the subject is constituted is her thinking between Althusser‘s notion of subjection and Foucault‘s notion of subjectivation. In this paper, I explore Butler‘s understanding of processes of subjectivation; examine the relationship between subjectivation and the performative suggested in and by Butler‘s work, and consider how the performative is implicated in processes of subjectivation – in =who‘ the subject is, or might be, subjectivated as. Finally, I examine the usefulness of understanding the subjectivating effects of discourse for education, in particular for educationalists concerned to make better sense of and interrupt educational inequalities. In doing this I offer a reading of an episode of ethnographic data generated in an Australian high School. I suggest that it is through subjectivating processes of the sort that Butler helps us to understand that some students are rendered subjects inside the educational endeavour, and others are rendered outside this endeavour or, indeed, outside student-hood

The Politics of Voter Fraud

The purpose of this report is to disentangle the myth from the reality and to separate the politics of voter fraud from legitimate administrative concerns about the integrity of the electoral process. To make the argument, we present a usable definition of voter fraud, discuss the problem of evidence, and explain how and why the dynamics of electoral competition drive the use of baseless fraud claims in American politics. We present several contemporary examples to illustrate how poor election administration and voter mistakes are misleadingly labeled "fraud." Recent allegations against voter registration campaigns highlight the need for an analysis sensitive to the partisanship and race and class issues just beneath the surface of most voter fraud claims. The last section of the report makes policy recommendations for improving public understanding and removing the canard of voter fraud from the election reform debate. The appendix discusses what to look for in evaluating voter fraud allegations