Seventh International Joint Conference on Electronic Voting

This volume contains papers presented at E-Vote-ID 2022, the Seventh International JointConference on Electronic Voting, held during October 4–7, 2022. This was the first in-personconference following the COVID-19 pandemic, and, as such, it was a very special event forthe community since we returned to the traditional venue in Bregenz, Austria. The E-Vote-IDconference resulted from merging EVOTE and Vote-ID, and 18 years have now elapsed sincethe first EVOTE conference in Austria.Since that conference in 2004, over 1500 experts have attended the venue, including scholars,practitioners, authorities, electoral managers, vendors, and PhD students. E-Vote-ID collectsthe most relevant debates on the development of electronic voting, from aspects relating tosecurity and usability through to practical experiences and applications of voting systems, alsoincluding legal, social, or political aspects, amongst others, turning out to be an importantglobal referent on these issues

Judicial Protection of Popular Sovereignty: Redressing Voting Technology

My analysis seeks to underscore the gravity of technologically threatened constitutional voting rights and values, implicating both individual rights to vote and the structural promise of popular sovereignty. Resolution of the dispute over the meaning of Fourteenth Amendment17 principles properly derived from Bush v. Gore18 will be pivotal to assuring meaningful voting rights in the information society. If the Court should hold the Fourteenth Amendment to embrace a deferential standard of review or arduous intent requirements, allowing state political branches to persist in choosing voting technologies based on scientifically unfounded premises that do not achieve classic components of voting rights, the American Republic’s future is seriously endangered.19 The argument proceeds in two parts. Part I traces illustrative empirical findings of the two comprehensive, definitive voting systems studies, offers evidence derived from actual election calamities that substantiates the experts’ findings, and translates these findings into concepts meaningful for voting rights and election law. Part II considers the judiciary’s failures thus far to understand the legal import of the scientific studies of voting systems when adjudicating the structural legal sufficiency of deployed voting systems20 and identifies questions on which scholarship is critically needed. Throughout, owing to space constraints, the argument is illustrative rather than comprehensive

Internet Voting in Austria: History, Development, and Building Blocks for the Future

This dissertation aims to investigate the origins of Internet voting, analyze several deployments of Internet voting technology in Austria and identify - based on these accumulated experiences - building blocks that can be useful in decision-making on and planning of future uses of Internet voting technology within Austria and throughout the world. In line with the goals of this thesis, it will address the following research questions: - How did Internet voting originate? - What experiences were noted in the process of implementing Internet voting in Austria? - What building blocks can be identified for developing future Internet voting both inside and outside Austria? Internet voting is part of a transformational movement that applies information and communication technologies to daily business activities. It is only logical that elections are also considered for applying electronic (remote) communication technologies. While early efforts were driven by the belief that elections could make easy use of the Internet, it was shown that while the principles have to be interpreted and consequently applied in a different way, the same principles can still be derived for Internet voting, like integrity, secrecy, transparency, accountability and public confidence. The need to have forms of decision making in electronic networks has been identified in its beginnings and has received continuous attention throughout its development. At the height of the excitement about the possibilities of the Internet, countries raced to become the first to run a legally binding election using electronic voting systems. While several candidates emerged (e.g., Costa Rica, Bosnia Herzegovina, Germany, United States), Estonia was victorious in 2005. To date, Estonia is the only country that has introduced this form of voting without any preconditions or other limitations. In Austria, the intentions to use information and communication technologies (ICT) in elections concentrated on parliamentary affairs. Spurred by the efforts around student elections in Germany, Austria sought to conduct Internet voting in 2000. In the years thereafter, considerable progress was made at WU Vienna University of Economics and Business (WU), and this progress spearheaded the debate in the early 2000s. At the beginning in the years 2001-2003, technical solutions were sought to verify voter eligibility and maintain voter privacy. Later, more sophisticated algorithms were developed, and functionalities like quotas in election commissions were added. The Federation of Students' elections in 2009 were a remarkable event that demonstrated highly contentious political debate around the topic. This debate continued after the elections, which were held in May 2009 and suffered from the intense debate and protests and consequential organizational shortcomings. The experiences also showed that accurate legal regulations are needed to show interaction with the constitutional legal texts and to ensure accountability to a remote electronic voting channel through legal means. International standards were a first step, but regulations based on actual experience were needed to show how remote electronic voting channels could be realized and how to avoid problems identified in pilot implementations. This practical knowledge also shows that sophisticated algorithms are not always the key to success. Rather, several key implementations make use of very basic technical means to realize the tasks given by law. One should not forget about the voters. They not only need to use such systems, but they also need to understand the processes in order to build trust. The constitutional court ruling lifted the election and ruled that the respective ordinance was not in line with the requirements of the law. Hereby, the court established higher requirements resulting barriers for offering Internet voting channels in future elections. While the election administration system, which was a pre-requisite for the Internet voting system, was discontinued in the election thereafter, it returned in recent elections where postal voting was offered. On the basis of the aforementioned experiences, twelve building blocks were compiled discovered. These include design decisions, such as the following: the form of electronic voting, adaptations of the legal base, the technical means for identification and secrecy, observation, control functions for the electoral commission, evaluation processes, transparency functions, ballot sheet designs, controlling the organizational context as well as providing options for planning and implementation. This framework therefore facilitates and eases the generation of feasibility studies and other analyses and decision making ahead of using Internet voting in an election. With little adaption it can also be used for the use of other voting technologies. This work utilizes theoretical work and knowledge from adaptations of legal texts. These texts cover a wide range of topics, including methods for implementing identification and anonymity functions in remote electronic voting as well as testing and certifying systems that require transparent procedures. The findings also show that implementing remote an electronic voting system is a complex topic. It requires trust in the election administration; otherwise, suspicion will arise when more technology is introduced and implemented in an election process. Remote electronic voting is one of the most challenging information technology (IT) projects

Formal Methods for Trustworthy Voting Systems : From Trusted Components to Reliable Software

Voting is prominently an important part of democratic societies, and its outcome may have a dramatic and broad impact on societal progress. Therefore, it is paramount that such a society has extensive trust in the electoral process, such that the system’s functioning is reliable and stable with respect to the expectations within society. Yet, with or without the use of modern technology, voting is full of algorithmic and security challenges, and the failure to address these challenges in a controlled manner may produce fundamental flaws in the voting system and potentially undermine critical societal aspects. In this thesis, we argue for a development process of voting systems that is rooted in and assisted by formal methods that produce transparently checkable evidence for the guarantees that the final system should provide so that it can be deemed trustworthy. The goal of this thesis is to advance the state of the art in formal methods that allow to systematically develop trustworthy voting systems that can be provenly verified. In the literature, voting systems are modeled in the following four comparatively separable and distinguishable layers: (1) the physical layer, (2) the computational layer, (3) the election layer, and (4) the human layer. Current research usually either mostly stays within one of those layers or lacks machine-checkable evidence, and consequently, trusted and understandable criteria often lack formally proven and checkable guarantees on software-level and vice versa. The contributions in this work are formal methods that fill in the trust gap between the principal election layer and the computational layer by a reliable translation of trusted and understandable criteria into trustworthy software. Thereby, we enable that executable procedures can be formally traced back and understood by election experts without the need for inspection on code level, and trust can be preserved to the trustworthy system. The works in this thesis all contribute to this end and consist in five distinct contributions, which are the following: (I) a method for the generation of secure card-based communication schemes, (II) a method for the synthesis of reliable tallying procedures, (III) a method for the efficient verification of reliable tallying procedures, (IV) a method for the computation of dependable election margins for reliable audits, (V) a case study about the security verification of the GI voter-anonymization software. These contributions span formal methods on illustrative examples for each of the three principal components, (1) voter-ballot box communication, (2) election method, and (3) election management, between the election layer and the computational layer. Within the first component, the voter-ballot box communication channel, we build a bridge from the communication channel to the cryptography scheme by automatically generating secure card-based schemes from a small formal model with a parameterization of the desired security requirements. For the second component, the election method, we build a bridge from the election method to the tallying procedure by (1) automatically synthesizing a runnable tallying procedure from the desired requirements given as properties that capture the desired intuitions or regulations of fairness considerations, (2) automatically generating either comprehensible arguments or bounded proofs to compare tallying procedures based on user-definable fairness properties, and (3) automatically computing concrete election margins for a given tallying procedure, the collected ballots, and the computed election result, that enable efficient election audits. Finally, for the third and final component, the election management system, we perform a case study and apply state-of-the-art verification technology to a real-world e-voting system that has been used for the annual elections of the German Informatics Society (GI – “Gesellschaft für Informatik”) in 2019. The case study consists in the formal implementation-level security verification that the voter identities are securely anonymized and the voters’ passwords cannot be leaked. The presented methods assist the systematic development and verification of provenly trustworthy voting systems across traditional layers, i.e., from the election layer to the computational layer. They all pursue the goal of making voting systems trustworthy by reliable and explainable formal requirements. We evaluate the devised methods on minimal card-based protocols that compute a secure AND function for two different decks of cards, a classical knock-out tournament and several Condorcet rules, various plurality, scoring, and Condorcet rules from the literature, the Danish national parliamentary elections in 2015, and a state-of-the-art electronic voting system that is used for the German Informatics Society’s annual elections in 2019 and following

Russia and the European Far Right

This thesis explores contemporary relations between various Russian actors and European far right ideologues, movements, organisations and parties. The thesis demonstrates that each side of this relationship is driven by evolving and, at times, circumstantial political and pragmatic considerations that involve, on the one hand, the need to attain or restore declining or deficient domestic or international legitimacy and, on the other hand, the ambition to reshape the apparently hostile domestic or international environments in accordance with one’s own interests. Introduction discusses the research background of the thesis, and outlines its conceptual framework, methodology and structure. Chapter 1 discusses pro-Russian elements of the European far right milieu before the Second World War. Chapter 2 looks at the active cooperation between Russian and Western far right politicians after the fall of the Soviet Union. Chapter 3 examines the right-wing authoritarian evolution of Vladimir Putin’s regime – an evolution that facilitated the deepening of the relations between Russian pro-Kremlin actors and the European far right. Chapters 4 and 5 consider two areas of dynamic cooperation between various Russian actors and European far right politicians and organisations aimed at supporting and consolidating alternative institutions that aim at challenging and undermining liberaldemocratic practices and traditions: electoral monitoring and the media. Chapter 6 looks at openly pro-Russian activities that Austrian, French and Italian far right parties have carried out in their national contexts, and identifies several types of operators who furthered cooperation between them and Russian actors. Chapter 7 explores the performance of European far right politicians on high-profile discussion platforms in Moscow and at sessions of the European Parliament in Strasbourg and Brussels, and analyses the narratives that they promote within these settings. Conclusion presents main findings of this research

France in the South Pacific: Power and Politics

France is a Pacific power, with three territories, a military presence, and extensive investments. Once seen by many as a colonial interloper in the South Pacific, by the early 2000s, after it ended nuclear testing in French Polynesia and negotiated transitional Accords responding to independence demands in New Caledonia, France seems to have become generally accepted as a regional partner, even if its efforts concentrate on its own territories rather than the independent island states. But France’s future in the region has yet to be secured. By 2014 it is to have handed over a set of agreed autonomies to the New Caledonian government, before an independence referendum process begins. Past experience suggests that a final resolution of the status of New Caledonia will be divisive and could lead once again to violent confrontations. In French Polynesia, calls continue for independence and for treatment under UN decolonisation procedures, which France opposes. Other island leaders are watching, so far putting faith in the Noumea Accord, but wary of the final stages. The issues and possible solutions are more complex than the French Pacific island population of 515,000 would suggest. Combining historical background with political and economic analysis, this comprehensive study offers vital insight into the intricate history – and problematic future – of several of Australia’s key neighbours in the Pacific and to the priorities and options of the European country that still rules them. It is aimed at policy-makers, scholars, journalists, businesspeople, and others who want to familiarise themselves with the issues as France’s role in the region is redefined in the years to come

France in the South Pacific: Power and Politics

France is a Pacific power, with three territories, a military presence, and extensive investments. Once seen by many as a colonial interloper in the South Pacific, by the early 2000s, after it ended nuclear testing in French Polynesia and negotiated transitional Accords responding to independence demands in New Caledonia, France seems to have become generally accepted as a regional partner, even if its efforts concentrate on its own territories rather than the independent island states. But France’s future in the region has yet to be secured. By 2014 it is to have handed over a set of agreed autonomies to the New Caledonian government, before an independence referendum process begins. Past experience suggests that a final resolution of the status of New Caledonia will be divisive and could lead once again to violent confrontations. In French Polynesia, calls continue for independence and for treatment under UN decolonisation procedures, which France opposes. Other island leaders are watching, so far putting faith in the Noumea Accord, but wary of the final stages. The issues and possible solutions are more complex than the French Pacific island population of 515,000 would suggest. Combining historical background with political and economic analysis, this comprehensive study offers vital insight into the intricate history – and problematic future – of several of Australia’s key neighbours in the Pacific and to the priorities and options of the European country that still rules them. It is aimed at policy-makers, scholars, journalists, businesspeople, and others who want to familiarise themselves with the issues as France’s role in the region is redefined in the years to come