Beyond Megalopolis: Exploring America’s New “Megapolitan” Geography

The Metropolitan Institute at Virginia Tech identifies ten US “Megapolitan Areas”— clustered networks of metropolitan areas that exceed 10 million total residents (or will pass that mark by 2040) . Six Megapolitan Areas lie in the eastern half of the United States, while four more are found in the West. Megapolitan Areas extend into 35 states, including every state east of the Mississippi River except Vermont. Sixty percent of the Census Bureau’s “Consolidated Statistical Areas” are found in Megapolitan Areas, as are 39 of the nation’s 50 most populous metropolitan areas. As of 2003, Megapolitan Areas contained less than a fifth of all land area in the lower 48 states, but captured more than two-thirds of total US population with almost 200 million people. Megapolitan Areas are expected to add 83 million people (or the current population of Germany) by 2040, accounting for seven in every ten new Americans. By 2040, a projected 33 trillion dollars will be spent on Megapolitan building construction. The figure represents over three quarters of all the capital that will be expended nationally on private real estate development. In 2004, Democratic candidate John Kerry won the Megapolitan Area popular vote by 51.6 percent to 48.4 for President George W. Bush—or almost the exact reverse of the nation as a whole. Kerry received 46.4 million Megapolitan votes, while Bush won 43.5 million. Megapolitan geography reframes many planning and public policy debates, touching on such issues as environmental impact, transportation, and urban sprawl

Transport geography: perspectives upon entering an accomplished research sub-discipline

No abstract available

Childhood and the politics of scale: Descaling children's geographies?

This is the post-print version of the final published paper that is available from the link below. Copyright @ 2008 SAGE Publications.The past decade has witnessed a resurgence of interest in the geographies of children's lives, and particularly in engaging the voices and activities of young people in geographical research. Much of this growing body of scholarship is characterized by a very parochial locus of interest — the neighbourhood, playground, shopping mall or journey to school. In this paper I explore some of the roots of children's geographies' preoccupation with the micro-scale and argue that it limits the relevance of research, both politically and to other areas of geography. In order to widen the scope of children's geographies, some scholars have engaged with developments in the theorization of scale. I present these arguments but also point to their limitations. As an alternative, I propose that the notion of a flat ontology might help overcome some difficulties around scalar thinking, and provide a useful means of conceptualizing sociospatiality in material and non-hierarchical terms. Bringing together flat ontology and work in children's geographies on embodied subjectivity, I argue that it is important to examine the nature and limits of children's spaces of perception and action. While these spaces are not simply `local', they seldom afford children opportunities to comment on, or intervene in, the events, processes and decisions that shape their own lives. The implications for the substance and method of children's geographies and for geographical work on scale are considered

Contesting Europe: representations of space in English school geography

The development of national education systems was premised on the assumption that they would offer particular representations of the ‘national space’, and school subjects such as geography and history offered pupils specific accounts of space and time. The project of European integration suggests the need for school curricula to offer alternative ways of imagining space. This essay examines the representation of European space in school geography textbooks. The analysis suggests that the texts contain different versions of the ‘politics of space’ and that there is a need for a critically-reflexive stance on the ‘geographies of Europe’ as taught in schools

Spatial dependence and heterogeneity in patterns of urban deprivation

Developments in the provision and quality of digital data are creating possibilities for finer resolution spatial and temporal measurement of the properties of socio-economic systems. We suggest that the ?lifestyles? datasets collected by private sector organisations provide one such prospect for better inferring the structure, composition and heterogeneity of urban areas. Clearly, deprivation and hardship are inextricably linked to incomes from earnings and transfer payments. In many countries (e.g. the UK) no small area income measures are collected at all, and this forces reliance upon commercial sources. Yet, the use of such data in academic research is not without considerable problems. In the same spirit as Gordon and Pantazis (1995) we thus think it necessary to retain some linkage to population census data ? but in a way which is much more sensitive to spatial context. A critical issue is thus to understand the scales at which both income, and the variables that are used to predict it, vary (see also Rees, 1998; Harris and Longley, 2002). We address some of these issues in the context of the debate about the intra-urban geography of hardship and social exclusion. Low income fundamentally restricts the abilities of people to participate actively in society (Harris and Longley, 2002), yet reliable, up-to-date income measures at fine spatial scales are rarely available from conventional sources. As a consequence, many indicators of deprivation are reliant upon data sources that are out of date and/or entail use of crude surrogate measures. Some measures bear little clear correspondence with hardship at all. Other widely-used indicators are spatially variable in their operation. The broader issue concerns the scale and extent of ?pockets? of hardship and the scale ranges at which difference is deemed manifests. The problems are further compounded if each of the range of surrogate measures used to specify a concept operates at different scales. Taken together, it remains unclear whether meaningful indicators of social conditions can ever be adequately specified, or whether generalised representations can be sufficiently sensitive to place. Using a case study of Bristol, UK, we compare the patterns of spatial dependence and spatial heterogeneity observed for a small area (?lifestyles?) income measure with those of the census indicators that are commonly used as surrogates for it. This leads to specification of spatial dependence using a spatially autoregressive model, and accommodation of local heterogeneity using geographically weighted regression (GWR). This analysis begins to extend our understanding of the determinants of hardship and poverty in urban areas: urban policy has hitherto used aggregate, outdated or proxy measures of income in a less critical manner; and techniques for measuring spatial dependence and heterogeneity have usually been applied at the regional, rather than intra urban, scales. The consequence is a limited understanding of the geography and dynamics of income variations within urban areas. The advantages and limitations of the data used here are explored in the light of the results of our statistical analysis, and we discuss our results as part of a research agenda for exploring dependence and heterogeneity in spatial distributions.

The green economy, sustainability transitions and transition regions : a case study of Boston

This paper is focused upon exploring the development of the green economy in particular locations, with the aim of identifying why some cities and regions have been successful in engendering green growth. To date we have little idea where the green economy is developing, nor much insight, beyond anecdotal evidence, into why certain cities and regions appear to be more successful than others in this regard. We position our analysis within the context of research on socio-technical transitions that has theorised the potential shift to a more sustainable economy. We review the literature on sustainability transitions and the development of the multi-level perspective encompassing niches, regimes and landscapes. However, most research into socio-technical transitions has not given adequate consideration to the influence of places and spatial scale in these transition processes, and we therefore critique the socio-technical transitions literature from a geographical perspective. In this paper we are interested in four key questions: what role does the enabling and facilitative state play in these cities and regions? What new institutional forms and governance structures are being developed? How do actors in particular cities and regions construct their green vision, and how do they encourage other actors to buy-in to this vision? How are links across levels and spatial scales developed to connect niches with the regime? We address these through a focus upon the Boston city region in the USA, drawing upon both primary and secondary research material. We utilize this case study example to re-examine and re-theorize work on sustainability transitions from a spatial perspective

Rethinking mobility at the urban-transportation-geography nexus

Building on the main sections of the book, this concluding chapter identifies four thematic areas for future research into the urban-transportation-geography nexus as follows: (1) the everyday experience of transport and mobility in the “ordinary city”; (2) the environment and the urban politics of mobility; (3) connected cities and competitive states; and (4) transportation mobility and new imaginaries of city-regional development