MULTIPLE AGREEMENT CONSTRUCTIONS: A MACRO-COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF PSEUDO-COORDINATION WITH THE MOTION VERB GO IN THE ARABIC AND SICILIAN DIALECTS

I discuss some syntactic properties of GO in verbal Pseudo-Coordination, in which it is followed by an inflected lexical verb and preceded by an optional connecting element. Following the analysis in Cardinaletti and Giusti (2001, 2003), I consider examples from different Sicilian varieties to show that the ones from the Eastern Coast (Di Caro 2015), where GO can become grammaticalized as an aspect marker and thus lose its argument structure and its semantics of motion, are reminiscent of some Multiple Agreement Constructions displayed by most Arabic dialects (Jarad 2014). In both groups of languages, the grammaticalized GO can also occur in an invariant and phonetically eroded version. In the macro-comparison I am proposing, I suggest language contact between Arabs/Berbers and the indigenous people in Sicily from 9th to 13th century as a factor in the productivity of Sicilian Pseudo-Coordination as an isolated case in the Romance domai

Pseudo-Coordination and Multiple Agreement Constructions

Verbal Pseudo-Coordination (as in English ‘go and get’) has been described for a number of individual languages, but this is the first edited volume to emphasize this topic from a comparative perspective, and in connection to Multiple Agreement Constructions more generally. The chapters include detailed analyses of Romance, Germanic, Slavic and other languages. These contributions show important cross-linguistic similarities in these constructions, as well as their diversity, providing insights into areas such as the morphology-syntax and syntax-semantics interfaces, dialectal variation and language contact. This volume establishes Pseudo-Coordination as a descriptively important and theoretically challenging cross-linguistic phenomenon among Multiple Agreement Constructions and will be of interest for specialists in individual languages as well as typologists and theoreticians, serving as a foundation to promote continued research

Inchoativity and mirativity in Italo-Romance and Balkan Slavic verbal periphrases. : the cases of functional GO and TAKE

This paper investigates the properties of GO and TAKE used as functional verbs to express the beginning of an action or a state (inchoativity) or a sense of surprise, wonder, astonishment, or regret (mirativity) as found in a group of multiple verb constructions, in a macro-comparative perspective. Multiple Agreement Constructions (V1+mi/mu/da/če+V2[+finite]) and Pseudo-Coordination (V1+'and'+V2[+finite]) are considered in Italo-Romance (Italian and Sicilian) and Balkan Slavic (Bulgarian), together with the Italo-Romance Infinitival Construction (V1+a+V2[-finite]), drawing from novel fieldwork data and online corpus data. GO and TAKE generally proved to be highly productive as both inchoative and mirative markers in all the languages considered. In particular, an analysis of cases in which these two functional verbs convey (to different degrees) both functions at once is provided, relying on the cognitive basis underlying the process of their grammaticalisation

Chapter 4. Preterite indicative Pseudo-Coordination and morphomic patterns

This paper discusses the paradigmatic configuration (or ‘morphome’; Aronoff 1994) that Pseudo-Coordination (V1[TAM.Agr] a V2[TAM.Agr], as in Jivu a ffici la spisa. ‘I went to do the shopping.’) displays in the preterite indicative in Deliano: i.e. the ‘W-Pattern’ (Di Caro 2019a; Di Caro and Giusti 2018). In the first part, the suppletive nature of the preterite paradigm of the V2s licensing this construction is discussed. These V2s all feature perfective roots (i.e. PYTA roots; Maiden 2018), such as fici ‘I made/did’ and dissi ‘I said’, which are the ones allowed in the construction, and imperfective roots, such as facisti ‘you (sg.) made/did’ and dicisti ‘you (sg.) said’. In the second part, new data from a grammaticality judgement-based study on Pseudo-Coordination in Deliano are discussed, with reference to the emergence of the W-Pattern in a specific paradigm. The results clearly show that this morphome is consistently present throughout the sample (11-80 y.o. participants, N=140) and has a “psychological reality” (cf. Maiden 2018b: 1-10), in the sense that it does not seem to be affected by variables such as age or gender, or to be subject to ordering effects

Perifrasi verbali deontiche e paradigmi difettivi nel dialetto di Delia

In the present paper a case of paradigmatic defectiveness in a Sicilian verbal periphrasis, the AICo (Aviri a + Infinitive Construction), is discussed. In its deontic use, the AICo can appear in the indicative preterite with a fully-fledged paradigm or with some restrictions ruling out the second persons. These restrictions are linked to the alternance of perfective (and rhizotonic) and imperfective (and arhizotonic) roots within the preterite paradigm of some verbs, a phenomenon well known for Italo-Romance varieties at the level of single verb inflection (cf. Maiden 2000, 2001a, b). Following Aronoff (1994), this distribution of allomorphs in the same paradigm is referred to as ‘morphome’. The morphomic pattern at stake here is the ‘W-Pattern’ (cf. Di Caro 2018). Aim of the present paper is to show that for a verbal periphrasis to behave as a single verb in terms of preterite paradigmatic restrictions, two conditions are necessary: I) the monoclausality of the periphrasis; II) the presence of perfective rhizotonic roots in the finite verb of the periphrasis. In support to this claim, the case of another Sicilian periphrasis featuring the W-Pattern, namely Pseudo-Coordination is considered

Chapter 1. Pseudo-Coordination and Multiple Agreement Constructions

This introductory chapter provides background on the phenomena of Pseudo-Coordination (PseCo) and Multiple Agreement Constructions (MACs) with the aim of familiarizing readers with major trends in previous research on these varied phenomena. Common structural and functional properties used to identify PseCo and MACs are described, along with a detailed discussion of the features that make crucial differences within each phenomenon in individual languages and cross-linguistically. We also observe interesting similarities between the two phenomena and across related and unrelated languages. We maintain a pre-theoretical view here that is compatible with the different approaches represented in the volume

Elliptic flow of electrons from heavy-flavour hadron decays at mid-rapidity in Pb–Pb collisions at √sNN = 2.76 TeV

The elliptic flow of electrons from heavy-flavour hadron decays at mid-rapidity (|y| < 0.7) is measured in Pb-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√=2.76 TeV with ALICE at the LHC. The particle azimuthal distribution with respect to the reaction plane can be parametrized with a Fourier expansion, where the second coefficient (v2) represents the elliptic flow. The v2 coefficient of inclusive electrons is measured in three centrality classes (0-10%, 10-20% and 20-40%) with the event plane and the scalar product methods in the transverse momentum (pT) intervals 0.5-13 GeV/c and 0.5-8 GeV/c, respectively. After subtracting the background, mainly from photon conversions and Dalitz decays of neutral mesons, a positive v2 of electrons from heavy-flavour hadron decays is observed in all centrality classes, with a maximum significance of 5.9σ in the interval 2< pT < 2.5 GeV/c in semi-central collisions (20-40%). The value of v2 decreases towards more central collisions at low and intermediate pT (0.5 < pT < 3 GeV/c). The v2 of electrons from heavy-flavour hadron decays at mid-rapidity is found to be similar to the one of muons from heavy-flavour hadron decays at forward rapidity (2.5 < y < 4). The results are described within uncertainties by model calculations including substantial elastic interactions of heavy quarks with an expanding strongly-interacting medium

Production of Σ(1385)± and Ξ(1530)0 in p–Pb collisions at √sNN = 5.02 TeV

The transverse momentum distributions of the strange and double-strange hyperon resonances (Σ(1385)±, Ξ(1530)0) produced in p-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√=5.02 TeV were measured in the rapidity range −0.5<yCMS<0 for event classes corresponding to different charged-particle multiplicity densities, ⟨dNch/dηlab⟩. The mean transverse momentum values are presented as a function of ⟨dNch/dηlab⟩, as well as a function of the particle masses and compared with previous results on hyperon production. The integrated yield ratios of excited to ground-state hyperons are constant as a function of ⟨dNch/dηlab⟩. The equivalent ratios to pions exhibit an increase with ⟨dNch/dηlab⟩, depending on their strangeness content

Measurement of electrons from beauty-hadron decays in p–Pb collisions at √sNN = 5.02 TeV and Pb–Pb collisions at √sNN = 2.76 TeV

The production of beauty hadrons was measured via semi-leptonic decays at mid-rapidity with the ALICE detector at the LHC in the transverse momentum interval 1<pT<8 GeV/c in minimum-bias p-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√=5.02 TeV and in 1.3<pT<8 GeV/c in the 20% most central Pb-Pb collisions at sNN−−−√=2.76 TeV. The pp reference spectra at s√=5.02 TeV and s√=2.76 TeV, needed for the calculation of the nuclear modification factors RpPb and RPbPb, were obtained by a pQCD-driven scaling of the cross section of electrons from beauty-hadron decays measured at s√=7 TeV. In the pT interval 3<pT<8 GeV/c a suppression of the yield of electrons from beauty-hadron decays is observed in Pb-Pb compared to pp collisions. Towards lower pT, the RPbPb values increase with large systematic uncertainties. The RpPb is consistent with unity within systematic uncertainties and is well described by theoretical calculations that include cold nuclear matter effects in p-Pb collisions. The measured RpPb and these calculations indicate that cold nuclear matter effects are small at high transverse momentum also in Pb-Pb collisions. Therefore, the observed reduction of RPbPb below unity at high pT may be ascribed to an effect of the hot and dense medium formed in Pb-Pb collisions