Developmental Stability Of Seven-factor Personality Structure

The vast majority of studies investigating personality structure is done using adult samples. If personality is assessed in children, parental ratings are preferably used method, while self reports are seldom used. Here we use self-report measures to study the developmental stability of the seven-factor personality structure defined by the HEXACO model and Disintegration trait. We focus on middle childhood children, young teens, and teenagers. Sample consisted of four groups: 1) age 10-11 (N=164, 49.4% female), 2) age 12-13 (N=195, 48.9% female), 3) age 14-16 (N=319, 59.2% female), 4) age 17-18 (N=201, 49.5% female). Data were collected in several elementary and high schools in Serbia and Montenegro. Personality traits were assessed using 60 items HEXACO, and 20 items DELTA questionnaires. The stability of the seven-factor personality structure was tested using orthogonal procrustes rotations, and the analysis was done on facets of all seven personality traits. Congruence coefficients and factor loadings were calculated for all facets for all six pairwise comparisons. Overall, the average congruence of factors ranged between .69 (Emotionality) and .96 (Disintegration). The average congruence of facets ranged between .41 (Sincerity) and .95 (Sentimentality), with the majority of facets having average congruence above .85. Average factor loadings for Disintegration range between .55 (Depression) and .85 (Perceptual Distortions), for Honesty between .20 (Sincerity) and .39 (Greed avoidance), for Emotionality between .19 (Anxiety) and .53 (Sentimentality), for Extraversion between .34 (Sociability), and .47 (Social self-esteem and Liveliness), for Agreeableness .34 (Patience), and .54 (Flexibility), for Conscientiousness .33 (Organization) and .53 (Diligence), and for Openness .53 (Creativity) and .67 (Inquisitiveness). As expected, personality structure is least stable in the first age group but stabilizes in groups 3 and 4. We discuss, in detail, stability and content of personality factors on different age groups, and practical implications on assessment these results have

Addressing climate change with behavioral science:A global intervention tournament in 63 countries

Effectively reducing climate change requires marked, global behavior change. However, it is unclear which strategies are most likely to motivate people to change their climate beliefs and behaviors. Here, we tested 11 expert-crowdsourced interventions on four climate mitigation outcomes: beliefs, policy support, information sharing intention, and an effortful tree-planting behavioral task. Across 59,440 participants from 63 countries, the interventions' effectiveness was small, largely limited to nonclimate skeptics, and differed across outcomes: Beliefs were strengthened mostly by decreasing psychological distance (by 2.3%), policy support by writing a letter to a future-generation member (2.6%), information sharing by negative emotion induction (12.1%), and no intervention increased the more effortful behavior-several interventions even reduced tree planting. Last, the effects of each intervention differed depending on people's initial climate beliefs. These findings suggest that the impact of behavioral climate interventions varies across audiences and target behaviors.</p

Addressing climate change with behavioral science: a global intervention tournament in 63 countries

Effectively reducing climate change requires marked, global behavior change. However, it is unclear which strategies are most likely to motivate people to change their climate beliefs and behaviors. Here, we tested 11 expert-crowdsourced interventions on four climate mitigation outcomes: beliefs, policy support, information sharing intention, and an effortful tree-planting behavioral task. Across 59,440 participants from 63 countries, the interventions’ effectiveness was small, largely limited to nonclimate skeptics, and differed across outcomes: Beliefs were strengthened mostly by decreasing psychological distance (by 2.3%), policy support by writing a letter to a future-generation member (2.6%), information sharing by negative emotion induction (12.1%), and no intervention increased the more effortful behavior—several interventions even reduced tree planting. Last, the effects of each intervention differed depending on people’s initial climate beliefs. These findings suggest that the impact of behavioral climate interventions varies across audiences and target behaviors

Addressing climate change with behavioral science:A global intervention tournament in 63 countries

Effectively reducing climate change requires marked, global behavior change. However, it is unclear which strategies are most likely to motivate people to change their climate beliefs and behaviors. Here, we tested 11 expert-crowdsourced interventions on four climate mitigation outcomes: beliefs, policy support, information sharing intention, and an effortful tree-planting behavioral task. Across 59,440 participants from 63 countries, the interventions' effectiveness was small, largely limited to nonclimate skeptics, and differed across outcomes: Beliefs were strengthened mostly by decreasing psychological distance (by 2.3%), policy support by writing a letter to a future-generation member (2.6%), information sharing by negative emotion induction (12.1%), and no intervention increased the more effortful behavior-several interventions even reduced tree planting. Last, the effects of each intervention differed depending on people's initial climate beliefs. These findings suggest that the impact of behavioral climate interventions varies across audiences and target behaviors.</p

Regulatory focus and generalized trust: the impact of prevention-focused self-regulation on trusting others

The current research suggests that taking self-regulatory mechanisms into account provides insights regarding individuals’ responses to threats in social interactions. In general, based on the notion that a prevention-focused orientation of self-regulation is associated with a need for security and a vigilant tendency to avoid losses and other types of negative events we advocate that a prevention-focused orientation, both as a disposition as well as a situationally induced state, lowers generalized trust, thus hindering cooperation within social interactions that entail threats. Specifically, we found that the more individuals’ habitual self-regulatory orientation is dominated by a prevention focus, the less likely they are to score high on a self-report measure of generalized trust (Study 1), and to express trust in a trust game paradigm as manifested in lower sums of transferred money (Studies 2 and 3). Similar findings were found when prevention focus was situationally manipulated (Study 4). Finally, one possible factor underlying the impact of prevention-focused self-regulation on generalized trust was demonstrated as individuals with a special sensitivity to negative information were significantly affected by a subtle prevention focus manipulation (versus control condition) in that they reacted with reduced trust in the trust game (Study 5). In sum, the current findings document the crucial relevance of self-regulatory orientations as conceptualized in regulatory focus theory regarding generalized trust and responses to threats within a social interaction. The theoretical and applied implications of the findings are discussed

The Transparent and Open Science Game

This is a very simple board game. We have played it with a diverse range of audiences, and it was fun every time. The game is easy: you throw a die and follow the instructions when you land on each section. It's fun