Has multiculturalism failed in Britain?

This paper subjects the criticisms advanced against multiculturalism to empirical test. It asks whether ethno-religious groups lead ?parallel lives? and, in consequence, fail to integrate with the wider society. It looks in particular at the alleged corrosive effects of multiculturalism, specifically at the maintenance of an ethnic rather than a British identity, social distance from white people and willingness to contemplate violent protest, but finds that all groups alike have displayed major change across the generations in the direction of a British identity and reduced social distance. It finds no evidence that rates of intergenerational change have been slower among ethno-religious groups that have made successful claims for cultural recognition. In contrast, lower levels of integration are associated with perceptions of individual or group discrimination

Evaluating policy as argument: the public debate over the first UK austerity budget

This article aims to make a methodological contribution to the ‘argumentative turn’ in policy analysis and to the understanding of the public debate on the UK Government's austerity policies. It suggests that policy arguments are practical arguments from circumstances, goals and means–goal relations to practical conclusions (proposals) that can ground decision and action. Practical proposals are evaluated in light of their potential consequences. This article proposes a deliberation scheme and a set of critical questions for the evaluation of deliberation and decision-making in conditions of incomplete knowledge (uncertainty and risk). It illustrates these questions by analysing a corpus of articles from five newspapers over the two months following the adoption of the first austerity budget in June 2010. It also suggests how analysis of ‘frames’ and ‘framing’ can be integrated with the evaluation of deliberation and decision-making

ApoB100-LDL Acts as a Metabolic Signal from Liver to Peripheral Fat Causing Inhibition of Lipolysis in Adipocytes

International audienceBACKGROUND: Free fatty acids released from adipose tissue affect the synthesis of apolipoprotein B-containing lipoproteins and glucose metabolism in the liver. Whether there also exists a reciprocal metabolic arm affecting energy metabolism in white adipose tissue is unknown. METHODS AND FINDINGS: We investigated the effects of apoB-containing lipoproteins on catecholamine-induced lipolysis in adipocytes from subcutaneous fat cells of obese but otherwise healthy men, fat pads from mice with plasma lipoproteins containing high or intermediate levels of apoB100 or no apoB100, primary cultured adipocytes, and 3T3-L1 cells. In subcutaneous fat cells, the rate of lipolysis was inversely related to plasma apoB levels. In human primary adipocytes, LDL inhibited lipolysis in a concentration-dependent fashion. In contrast, VLDL had no effect. Lipolysis was increased in fat pads from mice lacking plasma apoB100, reduced in apoB100-only mice, and intermediate in wild-type mice. Mice lacking apoB100 also had higher oxygen consumption and lipid oxidation. In 3T3-L1 cells, apoB100-containing lipoproteins inhibited lipolysis in a dose-dependent fashion, but lipoproteins containing apoB48 had no effect. ApoB100-LDL mediated inhibition of lipolysis was abolished in fat pads of mice deficient in the LDL receptor (Ldlr(-/-)Apob(100/100)). CONCLUSIONS: Our results show that the binding of apoB100-LDL to adipocytes via the LDL receptor inhibits intracellular noradrenaline-induced lipolysis in adipocytes. Thus, apoB100-LDL is a novel signaling molecule from the liver to peripheral fat deposits that may be an important link between atherogenic dyslipidemias and facets of the metabolic syndrome

Impact of trust on local residents' Mega-Event perceptions and their support

This study examines the influence of residents' trust in government and organizing committee on their impact perceptions and support for a mega-event, namely, 2014 FIFA World Cup. Findings suggest significant relationships between impact perceptions and support. While trust in government is found to be a significant determinant of impact perceptions, findings indicate no significant relationship between trust in government and support, which suggest that the relationship is mediated by impact perceptions. While a positive relationship between trust in the organizing committee and positive impact perceptions is found, findings suggest no significant relationship between trust in the organizing committee and negative impact perceptions. Trust in the organizing committee is also found to have significant positive impact on support.CNPq-Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnologico, Brasil (National Council for Scientific and Technological Development," Brazil)info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Beyond the Dutch "Multicultural Model": The Coproduction of Integration Policy Frames in The Netherlands

The Netherlands has been internationally known for its multicultural approach to immigrant integration. The aim of this article is to delve into the "coproduction" by researchers and policy makers of this so-called Dutch "multicultural model". As this article shows, researchers and policy makers have in The Netherlands been joined in several discourse coalitions. Indeed, one of these discourse coalitions supported an integration paradigm with multicultural elements, but at least two other types of discourses can be identified in The Netherlands, one of more liberal-egalitarian nature and one more assimilationist. In spite of the persistent image of The Netherlands as a representative of the multicultural model, it is in fact this multiplicity of discourses that characterizes the Dutch case. Moreover, labeling Dutch integration p

Ethnicity coding revisited: right-wing parties as catalysts for mobilization against immigrant welfare rights

Ethnicity coding means that threat-based views of ethnic minority members spur opposition to specific welfare programmes. To advance knowledge of the influence of political parties on ethnicity coding, we apply a dynamic approach. Longitudinal analyses show that: a) because right-wing political parties persistently frame state pensions as benefitting native majority members, a perceived ethnic threat increases support for this welfare scheme, and b) a perceived ethnic threat reduces support for social assistance when right-wing political parties frame it as favouring immigrants. Extending these findings, we show that opposition to immigrant welfare rights prompts electoral realignment, as left-wing voters increasingly switch to right-wing parties. More generally, political parties are capable of stimulating opposition to parts of the welfare state, including electoral mobilization against immigrant welfare rights. We utilize unusually rich mass-level survey data from Denmark, covering a 25-year period (1990‒2015). The broader implications of our findings for theories of ethnicity coding, political elite persuasion, and welfare state development are discussed in the conclusion

Global effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on paediatric cancer care: a cross-sectional study

BACKGROUND: Although mortality due to COVID-19 has been reportedly low among children with cancer, changes in health-care services due to the pandemic have affected cancer care delivery. This study aimed to assess the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on childhood cancer care worldwide. METHODS: A cross-sectional survey was distributed to paediatric oncology providers worldwide from June 22 to Aug 21, 2020, through the St Jude Global Alliance and International Society for Paediatric Oncology listservs and regional networks. The survey included 60 questions to assess institution characteristics, the number of patients diagnosed with COVID-19, disruptions to cancer care (eg, service closures and treatment abandonment), adaptations to care, and resources (including availability of clinical staff and personal protective equipment). Surveys were included for analysis if respondents answered at least two thirds of the items, and the responses were analysed at the institutional level. FINDINGS: Responses from 311 health-care professionals at 213 institutions in 79 countries from all WHO regions were included in the analysis. 187 (88%) of 213 centres had the capacity to test for SARS-CoV-2 and a median of two (range 0-350) infections per institutution were reported in children with cancer. 15 (7%) centres reported complete closure of paediatric haematology-oncology services (median 10 days, range 1-75 days). Overall, 2% (5 of 213) of centres were no longer evaluating new cases of suspected cancer, while 43% (90 of 208) of the remaining centers described a decrease in newly diagnosed paediatric cancer cases. 73 (34%) centres reported increased treatment abandonment (ie, failure to initiate cancer therapy or a delay in care of 4 weeks or longer). Changes to cancer care delivery included: reduced surgical care (153 [72%]), blood product shortages (127 [60%]), chemotherapy modifications (121 [57%]), and interruptions to radiotherapy (43 [28%] of 155 institutions that provided radiotherapy before the pandemic). The decreased number of new cancer diagnoses did not vary based on country income status (p=0·14). However, unavailability of chemotherapy agents (p=0·022), treatment abandonment (p<0·0001), and interruptions in radiotherapy (p<0·0001) were more frequent in low-income and middle-income countries than in high-income countries. These findings did not vary based on institutional or national numbers of COVID-19 cases. Hospitals reported using new or adapted checklists (146 [69%] of 213), processes for communication with patients and families (134 [63%]), and guidelines for essential services (119 [56%]) as a result of the pandemic. INTERPRETATION: The COVID-19 pandemic has considerably affected paediatric oncology services worldwide, posing substantial disruptions to cancer diagnosis and management, particularly in low-income and middle-income countries. This study emphasises the urgency of an equitably distributed robust global response to support paediatric oncology care during this pandemic and future public health emergencies. FUNDING: American Lebanese Syrian Associated Charities. TRANSLATION: For the Spanish translation of the abstract see Supplementary Materials section

It’s us against them: a comparative experiment on the effects of populist messages communicated via social media

Populism has gained momentum all around the globe. Social media channels contribute to the success of populism by providing an attractive environment for both politicians and ordinary citizens to disseminate their political ideas. Building on previous research, this study argues that attributing blame to culprit others, such as immigrants or the political elites, for causing major societal problems facing the ordinary people is central to populism. By employing a 2 × 2 between-subjects comparative survey experiment, we investigated the effects of these blame attributions in populist online messages on citizens’ exclusionist and anti-establishment populist attitudes in two Western European countries, Austria and the Netherlands (N = 646). Additionally, for the first time in extant research, we distinguished between populist politicians and ordinary citizens as communicators of populist messages. Results revealed that messages blaming the elites or immigrants bolstered citizens’ populist attitudes, but only for those who supported the source of the message. For those who opposed the source, in contrast, populist blame attributions reduced populist attitudes. These findings help us to understand how the core element of pervasive populist messages – attributing blame – affects the populist attitudes of which citizens