Ladders in a magnetic field: a strong coupling approach

We show that non-frustrated and frustrated ladders in a magnetic field can be systematically mapped onto an XXZ Heisenberg model in a longitudinal magnetic field in the limit where the rung coupling is the dominant one. This mapping is valid in the critical region where the magnetization goes from zero to saturation. It allows one to relate the properties of the critical phase ($H_c^1$, $H_c^2$, the critical exponents) to the exchange integrals and provide quantitative estimates of the frustration needed to create a plateau at half the saturation value for different models of frustration.Comment: One mistake corrected, one reference adde

On Dollars and Deference: Agencies, Spending, and Economic Rights

Agencies can change society not just by prescribing conduct, but also by spending money. The Obama administration gave us two powerful examples of this phenomenon. To secure widespread access to affordable health insurance and affordable higher education, the administration took actions that were not required by statutory text. These entitlements are built upon a scaffolding of aggressive agency statutory interpretations, not upon clear legislative commands. This Article uses these two examples as case studies for evaluating the institutional competence of the executive branch to underwrite large-scale positive economic entitlements on the basis of ambiguous statutory authority. Such agency-initiated schemes may help improve the economic wellbeing and enhance the economic opportunity of millions of Americans. But, as these case studies reflect, the risks of such agency action are considerable. First, when the executive branch gives money away, Article III standing requirements will weaken the check of judicial review on administrative action. Second, agency creation of schemes for protecting economic entitlements may result in political and even legal entrenchment that could complicate or obstruct future lawmakers’ ability to undo those agency decisions. Third, the initiation of broad-scale government spending programs entails society-wide redistributive trade-offs that neither individual agencies, nor the executive branch as a whole, can properly make. In sum, this form of executive-branch action may advance important interests—interests in health, education, and economic equality and opportunity. But it may also corrode values that are at least equally important—most notably, the power of Congress to control the current and future financial obligations of the United States

On Dollars and Deference: Agencies, Spending, and Economic Rights

Agencies can change society not just by prescribing conduct, but also by spending money. The Obama administration gave us two powerful examples of this phenomenon. To secure widespread access to affordable health insurance and affordable higher education, the administration took actions that were not required by statutory text. These entitlements are built upon a scaffolding of aggressive agency statutory interpretations, not upon clear legislative commands. This Article uses these two examples as case studies for evaluating the institutional competence of the executive branch to underwrite large-scale positive economic entitlements on the basis of ambiguous statutory authority. Such agency-initiated schemes may help improve the economic wellbeing and enhance the economic opportunity of millions of Americans. But, as these case studies reflect, the risks of such agency action are considerable. First, when the executive branch gives money away, Article III standing requirements will weaken the check of judicial review on administrative action. Second, agency creation of schemes for protecting economic entitlements may result in political and even legal entrenchment that could complicate or obstruct future lawmakers’ ability to undo those agency decisions. Third, the initiation of broad-scale government spending programs entails society-wide redistributive trade-offs that neither individual agencies, nor the executive branch as a whole, can properly make. In sum, this form of executive-branch action may advance important interests—interests in health, education, and economic equality and opportunity. But it may also corrode values that are at least equally important—most notably, the power of Congress to control the current and future financial obligations of the United States

PENGASUHAN ISLAMI ORANGTUA DAN GURU DALAM MENDIDIK AKHLAK ANAK DI ERA DIGITAL DI SAMPIT BINA’UL UMMAH MALUK KABUPATEN SUMBAWA BARAT PROVINSI NTB

This research aims to describe the problems and efforts of parents and Islamic teachers in educating children's morals in the digital era at SMPIT Bina'ul Ummah Maluk, West Sumbawa Regency, NTB Province. The research uses a qualitative approach with a case study type of research. Data collection techniques in this research took the form of participant observation, interviews, and documentation in the form of learning tools, photos, and school data. The results of the research show that there are many problems with Islamic parenting for parents and teachers in educating children's morals in the digital era at SMPIT Bina'ul Ummah Maluk, so that the moral education provided by teachers when students are at school is not optimal and is not well integrated. , this is due to a lack of supervision and control from most parents who are busy at work. Meanwhile, the problems of caring for Islamic parents and teachers in educating children's morals in the digital era at SMPIT Bina'ul Ummah Maluk: 1. Children who are addicted to social media. 2. Ignoring parental orders. 3. Free-thinking and aggressive. 4. Be individual and anti-social. The next efforts made are: a. Be a role model for children b. Approach and Attention with Children. C. Educate children to obey teachers and parents. D. Educating Children with Targhib and Tarhi

Measurement of Higgs decay to WW* in Higgsstrahlung at s\sqrt{s}=500 GeV ILC and in WW-fusion at s\sqrt{s}=3 TeV CLIC

This talk presents results of the two independent analyses evaluating the measurement accuracy of the branching ratio for the Standard model Higgs boson decay to a W-pair, at the Compact Linear Collider (CLIC) and at the International Linear Collider (ILC). The considered Higgs production channels are the WW-fusion for the highest energy stage of CLIC, $\sqrt{s}$= 3 TeV, and the Higgsstrahlung process for the nominal ILC energy, $\sqrt{s}$=500 GeV. Both studies are performed using the full simulation of the detector. The realistic experimental conditions have been simulated including beam energy spectrum, initial state radiation and the backround from $\gamma\gamma\rightarrow hadrons$ processes, which are overlaid on simulated events. The multivariate analysis technique is used for the final event selection and the expected relative statistical uncertainty, $\Delta (\sigma \cdot BR) / (\sigma\cdot BR)$, of the measured Higgs production cross sections is estimated.Comment: 7 pages, 3 figures Talk presented at the International Workshop on Future Linear Colliders (LCWS16), Morioka, Japan, 6-10 December 2016. C16-12-05.

Notice and the New Deal

The New Deal Supreme Court revised a well-known set of constitutional doctrines. Legal scholarship has principally focused on the changes that occurred in three areas—federalism, delegation, and economic liberty. This Article identifies a new and important fourth element of New Deal constitutionalism: a change in the constitutional doctrine of due process notice, the doctrine that specifies the minimum standards for constitutionally adequate notice of the law. The law of due process notice—which includes the doctrines of vagueness, retroactivity, and the rule of lenity—evolved dramatically over the course of the New Deal to permit lesser clarity and to tolerate more retroactivity. The upshot has been the near-total elimination of successful notice-based challenges other than in the limited context of First Amendment vagueness attacks. Unlike the more famous doctrinal changes of this period, changes to due process notice doctrine were not obviously necessary to accommodate the New Deal legislative agenda, either as a matter of jurisprudence or as a matter of politics. Due process notice doctrine nonetheless underwent a radical transformation in this era, as the Court came to regard its broader shift toward deferring to legislative and executive policy decisions as requiring the relaxation of due process notice doctrine. The link forged between deference and notice had significant functional effects on the most important audience for the Court\u27s notice jurisprudence—Congress. By loosening the strictures of due process notice doctrine, the Court lowered sharply the enactment costs of federal legislation and thereby facilitated its proliferation. This is a distinct, and hitherto unacknowledged, mechanism by which the Court in this period enhanced national power and encouraged the flourishing of the emerging administrative state. Like much of the New Deal settlement, the New Deal reformulation of due process notice doctrine is today the subject of ferment in the courts. Recognizing the New Deal roots of due process notice doctrine is critical for understanding these ongoing judicial debates—and for beginning the conceptual work of mapping the future shape of this vital cluster of doctrines