149 research outputs found

    Involving psychological therapy stakeholders in responsible research to develop an automated feedback tool: Learnings from the ExTRAPPOLATE project

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    Understanding stakeholders’ views on novel autonomous systems in healthcare is essential to ensure these are not abandoned after substantial investment has been made. The ExTRAPPOLATE project applied the principles of Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI) in the development of an automated feedback system for psychological therapists, ‘AutoCICS’. A Patient and Practitioner Reference Group (PPRG) was convened over three online workshops to inform the system's development. Iterative workshops allowed proposed changes to the system (based on stakeholder comments) to be scrutinized. The PPRG reference group provided valuable insights, differentiated by role, including concerns and suggestions related to the applicability and acceptability of the system to different patients, as well as ethical considerations. The RRI approach enabled the anticipation of barriers to use, reflection on stakeholders’ views, effective engagement with stakeholders, and action to revise the design and proposed use of the system prior to testing in future planned feasibility and effectiveness studies. Many best practices and learnings can be taken from the application of RRI in the development of the AutoCICS system

    State-society relations in contemporary Russia: New forms of political and social contention

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    Much existing analysis of Russian state–society relations focuses on public, active forms of contention such as the “opposition” and protest movements. There is need for a more holistic perspective which adds study of a range of overt, “co-opted”, and hidden forms of interaction to this focus on public contention. A theoretical and empirical basis for understanding state–society relations in today's Russia involves broadening the concept of “contentious politics” to include models of “consentful” as well as “dissentful” contention. A diffused model of contentious politics can situate claim-making along the axes of consentful and dissentful motivations, and compliant and contentious behaviours

    "Shared Ideal, Divergent Strategies? Explaining Similarities and Differences in E.U. and U.S. Democracy Promotion"

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    By the turn of the 21st century liberal democracy and democracy promotion have both become strongly entrenched norms in U.S. and E.U. foreign policies. Despite squabbles over a host of international issues, democracy as a system of government and an ideal is fundamentally shared by Americans and Europeans. Moreover, the erosion of state sovereignty and principles of non-intervention, as well as growing appreciation of the links between substantive democracy and economic development, peace and security, have made the goal of democracy promotion a shared one for Americans and Europeans. We argue that contemporary Europe and the United States are united by a normative commitment to democracy and the objective of supporting and promoting its development outside the transatlantic community. But does this mean that the E.U. and U.S. pursue the same democracy promotion strategies? We suggest that the answer is "sometimes, and sometimes not" and that it is dynamic. At times, and in different contexts, E.U. and U.S. strategies and instruments converge and diverge. Finally, we argue that divergence in strategies can be explained with reference to three key factors: the different histories and formative experiences that have shaped E.U. and U.S. thinking and institutions for promoting democracy abroad; differences in international "actorship"; and differences in conception of power

    Southern African liberation and great power intervention: towards a theory of revolution in an international context

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    Whether welcomed, feared, or ignored, revolutions have been rare but pivotal disjunctures in the history of the modern world. No history of the states system would be complete without accounting for the transformative impact of revolutions on the security, diplomatic, and economic configurations of the modern international system. Similarly, no political history of most contemporary states would be complete without a discussion of "revolutionary moments" which recast their governments, economies, and societies. In an attempt to understand revolutions in an international context, this dissertation adopts the method of structured, focus comparison to analyze two cases of revolutionary upheaval -- Angola and Zimbabwe -- within the context of the bi-polar, antagonistic international system. While both Angola and Zimbabwe are located in southern Africa, had agriculturally-based economies dominated by large settler communities, became independent two decades later than most of Africa, gained independence through protracted guerrilla wars, and were not considered vital to either Soviet or American interests, nonetheless Angola experienced a revolutionary socio-economic transformation, but Zimbabwe did not. To account for this variation, I look for differences in the international context of these two revolutions, specifically changes in foreign policies of the United States and the Soviet Union. I argue that Angola experienced a revolution because both Superpowers engaged in confrontational strategies of supporting and containing revolutionary movements. Zimbabwe did not experience a similar fate because the United States and its allies adopted a cooptive strategy toward the liberation movements, while the Soviet Union again adopted a confrontational strategy. Drawing from these two cases, I conclude by assessing the influence of cooptive versus confrontational power regarding revolutionary situations in general, and the more universal properties of the dynamic between revolutions and the international system
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