A synthetic measure of mortality using skeletal data from ancient cemeteries: the d index

<b>Background</b>: Due to the scarcity of written sources in ancient historical periods, and thanks to the development of increasingly sophisticated methods of excavation, recognition, publication, and interpretation, archaeology has played an important role in the understanding of demographic mechanisms. It is in this context that the last decade has seen important developments in paleodemography, the use of skeletons to reconstruct the demographic dynamics of the past. <b>Objective</b>: In this study we show how skeletal data can be used to determine mortality regimes, enlarging the demographic meaning of the d index proposed by Bocquet-Appel in 2002. We apply the d index to Italian cemeteries dating from the 1st to the 15th century AD. <b>Contribution</b>: Our study contributes to the development of paleodemography, a particularly valuable method that uses large osteological samples to understand mortality trends in ancient historical periods. In this study we extend and develop the d index, introduced by Bocquet-Appel in 2002, and demonstrate its usefulness in a range of plausible demographic scenarios. By applying this method to the study of mortality in Italy from the 1st to the 15th centuries AD, we show its reliability in tracing mortality trends in periods of both normal mortality and mortality crisis

Lowest-Low Fertility: Signs of a recovery in Italy?

This study aims to describe the process of birth postponement and recovery in Italy, a country with persistent very low fertility levels. The case of Italy is particularly significant given that this country carries great demographic weight in "Southern Europe"; an area characterized by cultural and institutional specificities which have important implications for the timing of family formation and the final number of children. We use data recently published by the Italian National Institute of Statistics (Istat), applying a cohort approach to show changes in CTFRs and the timing of births for the 1950-1980 cohorts. In order to further evaluate the evolution of Italian “fertility ageing†across social groups (with a focus on female education) we also use individual level data from the 2003 Istat multipurpose survey “Famiglia e soggetti socialiâ€. We find that a recovery is presently in progress in the northern regions of Italy, even if not all postponed births are recovered. As expected, signs of recovery are above all evident among the youngest generations and more educated women.cohort fertility, education, fertility recovery, Italy, low fertility

Marital and Reproductive Behavior in Italy After 1995: Bridging the Gap with Western Europe?

Despite a delay of 20–25 years, when it comes to cohabitation, Italy has now begun to resemble other Western countries. In addition, the increase in legal separations has accelerated since 1995, although their number still remains far from that observed in countries such as the USA, the UK, and France. Finally, Italy’s fertility decline has come to a halt: the cohort of women born in the early 1970s will likely have the same TFR as those born in the mid-1960s (around 1.55). Moreover, in the Centre–North areas, period TFR rose from 1.1 in 1995 to 1.35 children per woman 10 years later. The territorial diffusion of cohabitation, legal separation, out-of-wedlock births, and fertility recovery overlaps closely with that of the decline in births during the first half of the twentieth century. A similar geographical pattern has been observed for the diffusion of school enrolment, industrialization, secularization, and (during the last 20 years) foreign immigration.Malgré un retard de 20 à 25 ans, en matière de cohabitation l’Italie commence à présent à ressembler aux autres pays occidentaux. De plus, la hausse des séparations légales s’est accélérée depuis 1995, bien que leur niveau demeure encore bien en-deçà de celui qui est observé dans des pays tels que les Etats-Unis d’Amérique, le Royaume-Uni, et la France. Finalement, la fécondité a cessé de baisser en Italie: la cohorte des femmes nées au début des années 1970 aura selon toute vraisemblance le même indice synthétique de fécondité que celle des femmes nées au milieu des années 60 (environ 1,55). De plus, dans les régions du centre-nord, l’indice synthétique de fécondité est passé de 1,1 enfant par femme en 1995 à 1,35 dix ans plus tard. La diffusion territoriale de la cohabitation, des séparations légales, des naissances hors mariage et du rattrapage de la fécondité recouvre de façon étroite celle de la baisse des naissances au cours de la première moitié du vingtième siècle. Le même schéma géographique est observé dans la diffusion de la scolarisation, de l’industrialisation, de la sécularisation et (pendant les 20 dernières années) de l’immigration en provenance de l’étranger

Lowest-Low Fertility: Signs of a recovery in Italy?

This study aims to describe the process of birth postponement and recovery in Italy, a country with persistent very low fertility levels. The case of Italy is particularly significant given that this country carries great demographic weight in "Southern Europe"; an area characterized by cultural and institutional specificities which have important implications for the timing of family formation and the final number of children. We use data recently published by the Italian National Institute of Statistics (Istat), applying a cohort approach to show changes in CTFRs and the timing of births for the 1950-1980 cohorts. In order to further evaluate the evolution of Italian "fertility ageing" across social groups (with a focus on female education) we also use individual level data from the 2003 Istat multipurpose survey "Famiglia e soggetti sociali". We find that a recovery is presently in progress in the northern regions of Italy, even if not all postponed births are recovered. As expected, signs of recovery are above all evident among the youngest generations and more educated women

Large families (in a context of lowest-low fertility): what do we know about them?

From 1961 to 2011 in Italy the average number of individuals per household decreased from 3.6 to 2.4, and the proportion of household with 6 members or more dropped from 14.4% to 1.4%. Large families (4-plus children) are often associated with poverty, but, given their rarity, it is extremely difficult to study them. They are basically unknown, especially in contexts of very low fertility. We aim to characterize large families (with 4-plus children) and to highlight what distinguishes them from families with fewer children, for both native and non-native population. Using data from the 2011 Italian Population and Housing Census, demographic characteristics of large families out of all families with children are described. In order to analyze factors associated to large families, logistic regression models are applied to predict whether families were large (four-plus children) or small (one or two children). Results suggest a socio-economic polarization of large families and a negative association with women\u2019s education among both native and non-native populations. Only for Italian couples repartnering is a predictor of larger families and couples with self-employed men are more likely to have large families than employees. Internal cultural and institutional differences are also relevant

Large families (in a context of lowest-low fertility): what do we know about them?

From 1961 to 2011 in Italy the average number of individuals per household decreased from 3.6 to 2.4, and the proportion of household with 6 members or more dropped from 14.4% to 1.4%. Large families (4-plus children) are often associated with poverty, but, given their rarity, it is extremely difficult to study them. They are basically unknown, especially in contexts of very low fertility. We aim to characterize large families (with 4-plus children) and to highlight what distinguishes them from families with fewer children, for both native and non-native population. Using data from the 2011 Italian Population and Housing Census, demographic characteristics of large families out of all families with children are described. In order to analyze factors associated to large families, logistic regression models are applied to predict whether families were large (four-plus children) or small (one or two children). Results suggest a socio-economic polarization of large families and a negative association with women’s education among both native and non-native populations. Only for Italian couples repartnering is a predictor of larger families and couples with self-employed men are more likely to have large families than employees. Internal cultural and institutional differences are also relevant

Is the Family System in Romania Similar to those of Southern European Countries?

In his influential 1998 study, David S. Reher discusses historical differences between countries with strong and weak family ties. He focuses on the “Western World”, comparing Italy and the Iberian Peninsula with Scandinavia, the British Isles, the Low Countries, Germany and Austria, together with North America. In this paper, we explore whether Romania, in Eastern Europe, can be characterised as having a strong family system, given the increasingly important role family has played for individual well-being following the end of the socialist regime. We observe a number of similarities between Romania and Southern European countries in terms of behaviours associated with “strong family ties”, opinions on family care and mutual intergenerational support. Differences can be explained in light of Romania’s economic and housing crisis. Overall, it is likely that the importance of family ties in Romania increased after the end of the socialist regime.In his influential 1998 study, David S. Reher discusses historical differences between countries with strong and weak family ties. He focuses on the “Western World”, comparing Italy and the Iberian Peninsula with Scandinavia, the British Isles, the Low Countries, Germany and Austria, together with North America. In this paper, we explore whether Romania, in Eastern Europe, can be characterised as having a strong family system, given the increasingly important role family has played for individual well-being following the end of the socialist regime. We observe a number of similarities between Romania and Southern European countries in terms of behaviours associated with “strong family ties”, opinions on family care and mutual intergenerational support. Differences can be explained in light of Romania’s economic and housing crisis. Overall, it is likely that the importance of family ties in Romania increased after the end of the socialist regime

Technology applied to bodies

This article is part of the doctoral4 thesis that makes a critical analysis of assistive technology. In this sense it proposes to think it circumscribed in a conceptual frame in reference to technology, understood as the junction between science, technique and economical interest. Such approach shows the evidence of its inherent ambiguity which is appointed in the present text, when it doubts aspects related with the human body and technology. It is a dialogue with authors that bring the debate of the theme up-to-date and that can inspire one to ponder over the complex plot between people with handicaps and assistive technology.Este artigo é parte da tese de doutorado* que faz uma análise crítica da tecnologia assistiva. Neste sentido se propõe a pensá-la circunscrita em um quadro conceitual referente à tecnologia, entendida como a confluência entre ciência, técnica e interesse econômico. Tal enfoque evidencia a ambigüidade inerente da mesma e que é apontada no presente texto, quando problematiza aspectos relacionados com o corpo humano e tecnologia. Trata-se de um diálogo com autores que atualizam o debate sobre o tema e podem inspirar a reflexão sobre a complexa trama entre pessoas com deficiência e tecnologia assistiva