From movements to political parties. The electoral crystallization of protest

El paso de movimientos sociales a formaciones políticas ha sido escasamente tratado en la literatura académica, aunque reúne un interés creciente. En España, ciertas continuidades entre el 15-M y la emergencia de nuevos partidos pueden ser observadas. En este artículo, se plantean tres ideas sobre el paso de movimientos a partidos y se ponen en relación con contribuciones que siguen en esta misma sección. En primer lugar, el 15-M está lejos de ser un bloque claramente delimitado, por lo que su extensión hacia la política representativa no puede ser tratada de manera única; es preciso identificar distintas formas en las que este paso o extensión a la dinámica de partidos tiene lugar. En segundo lugar, se explora la relación existente entre tres procesos de cambio: la erosión del apoyo político desde 2008, el apoyo a las movilizaciones del 15-M en 2011 y la emergencia de nuevos partidos en 2014 y 2015. Por último, se subraya la importancia de introducir el análisis de ‘la transversalidad con intensidades distintas’ que tiene lugar entre la opinión pública en estos tres procesos de cambio. Palabras clave: Nuevos partidos políticos, movimientosThe passage of social movements to political parties has been barely treated in the academic literature, but it meets a growing interest. In Spain, certain continuities between 15-M and the emergence of new parties can be observed. This article raised three ideas about the passage of social movements to political parties, which are presented in relation to subsequent articles in this section. First, the 15-M is far from being a clearly defined block, so its extension into representative politics cannot be treated in a unique way; it is necessary to identify different levels in which this extension takes place. Second, the relationship between three processes of change is analysed: the erosion of political support since 2008, the public’s support for the 15-M demonstrations in 2011, and the emergence of new parties in 2014 and 2015. Finally, it is emphasized the importance of introducing the analysis of ‘cross-sectionalism with different intensities’ that occurs within public opinion in these three processes. Keywords: New political parties, social mo

Anti-austerity movements in Europe

This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final form.Lobera, Josep (2019 /in press). Anti-austerity movements in Europe. In Flesher Fominaya, C. & Feenstra, R. (eds.) Routledge Handbook of Contemporary European Social Movements, Abingdon, UK: Routledge

Professors responding to the new challenges on engineering profession: bringing new values into the classroom

Professors responding to the new challenges on engineering profession: bringing new values into the classroom Josep Lobera* 1 , Agustí Pérez-Foguet 2 , Cristina Escrigas 1 1 Global University Network for Innovation (GUNI) Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC) Edifici TG (S1), C/ Jordi Girona, 31, 08034 Barcelona – Spain e-mail: [email protected] du 2 E.T.S de Ingenieros de Caminos, Canales y Puertos de Barcelona Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya Módulo C2, Campus Nord, c/ Jordi Girona 1-3, 08034 Barcelona – Spain ABSTRACT Education in values is seen as a continuous process that begins at the childhood. It is unquestionably influenced by the family and the society. University should consolidate the formation of the political, ethical and moral values acquired in the former educational levels, as well as to form and to develop the professional values (Lourdes Zumalacárregui and Alonso, 2002). Formation of values is not an addition al content in the curriculum, but a reality that should be considered in the whole work system and activi ties at the university through all the dimensions of the educational process. In the engineer education, values are and always have been present. Yet these values not always have been adapted to the reality of the society in which engineers develop their profes sional careers and lives. The last decade has seen a remarkable change in the economic and social landscape of society. Many societal trends and needs call fo r engineers to broaden t heir outlooks, have more flexible career options, and work closely and e ffectively with persons of quite different backgrounds. Yet the education and general orientation of engineers have been directed inward toward the profession, rather than outward toward the rest of society and the world (King, 2006), and in some classrooms there are transmitted va lues that were for the first or the second industrial revolution. The convergence of the Spanish te rtiary education system into the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) represents an opportunity to introdu ce new educational methodologies that could facilitate the development of the knowledge, atti tudes and procedures that are needed to the new professional and personal contexts. Some teachers at the Technical University of Catalonia (UPC) are developing a project of educational innovation in which they aim to inco rporate the following issues transversally into the technical subjects that they give nowadays: values and ethics in engineering, participative learning, transdisciplinarity, multiculturalism and diversity, and human sustainable development. This paper draws on this experience and it treats the opportunities and difficulties which teachers face bringing new values into the classroomPeer ReviewedPostprint (published version

Sustainable construction and construction of the sustainability: an experience in rural communities of El Salvador

La experiencia que se analiza en este trabajo representa un acercamiento al concepto de sostenibilidad en los países en vías de desarrollo. Se trata de un proceso de autoconstrucción comunitaria de viviendas bioclimáticas en tres asentamientos rurales de El Salvador, donde la noción de sostenibilidad contempla dos aspectos distintos pero interdependientes. Por un lado, la satisfacción de la necesidad de vivienda se lleva a cabo con un modelo de construcción sostenible que utiliza los elementos naturales al alcance las poblaciones más desfavorecidas del ámbito rural salvadoreño. Por otro lado, en torno a los procesos constructivos se articulan acciones transversales que desarrollan los principales aspectos de la sostenibilidad en la comunidad, fortaleciéndola, tanto en sus dimensiones sociales, económicas, institucionales como medioambientales.The experience analyzed in this work represents an approach to the concept of Sustainability in developing countries. It is a process of communal construction of bioclimatic housing in three Salvadorian rural settlings, where the Sustainability notion is centered on two different and interrelated aspects. On the one hand, satisfying the housing needs by means of a sustainable building process, which employs the natural resources available to the poorest rural Salvadorian people. On the other hand, the building process articulates the main sustainability aspects within the community. These social, economic, institutional and environmental dimensions reinforce a sustainable community

Decentralizing electoral campaigns? New-old parties, grassroots and digital activism

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Information, Communication & Society on 21/04/2020, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/1369118X.2020.1749697Recent studies suggest that new parties display new patterns of digital mobilization. We shed light on this debate: do new party supporters engage in online political activities to a greater extent during electoral campaigns? Do they share political images or quotes on social media, participate in political forums, or exchange political messages with their friends more often than supporters of traditional parties? No. Drawing on a post-electoral survey dataset in Spain, we find that offline extra-institutional political activities are key predictors of the level of online political engagement. Even in the context of a polarized electoral campaign and the emergence of new electoral forces such as Podemos, extra-institutional political participation drives digital activism to the detriment of institutional variables, such as turnout or partisan preferences. Thus, all parties depend on extra-institutional activists to boost their online campaigns. Since grassroots activists increasingly influence the communicative strategy of all political parties, we interpret this process within a long-term digital-based post-material transformation of the political culture, with major implications for partisan organization, mobilization, and polarization in many democracies. We contend that the overrepresentation of grassroots activists in producing and disseminating political content in social media may have favored an increase of the visibility and public support of political outsiders in several countriesThis work was supported by Secretaría de Estado de Investigacion, Desarrollo e Innovacion [grant number CSO2013-48612-C2-1-P

Identity, meaning and measurement of housewives

Cerca de una de cada cinco mujeres mayores de edad se dedica en exclusiva al trabajo do-méstico no remunerado en España. El contraste de los datos de dos metodologías distintas para la identificación y medición de esta actividad nos permite constatar la carga ideológica que acompaña al concepto "ama de casa": por un lado, los datos obtenidos por la Encuesta de Población Activa, con una metodología de identificación etic; por el otro, una encuesta realizada a más de once mil personas mayores de edad (de las cuales 5.986 eran mujeres) con una autoidentificación emic. En este trabajo profundizamos en la controversia del uso del concepto "ama de casa" en investigaciones sociales, así como en su pertinencia y límites como identificador de un grupo social.Nearly one in five women in Spain is dedicated exclusively to unpaid household work. Data from two different methodologies used in the identification and measurement of this ac-tivity allows us to observe the ideological loading of the term "housewife": first, the data obtained by the Labour Force Survey, with an etic identification approach; second, a sur-vey of more than eleven thousand adults (5,986 of which were women) with an emic self-identification approach. The study explores the controversial use of the term "housewife" in social research, as well as its relevance and limits as an identifier of a social group

Reyes, brujos y filósofos: la educación en el cambio y en la reproducción social

La capacidad de aprender, incluso de manera involuntaria, es intrínseca al ser humano. La educación, implícita o explícitamente, marca una dirección al aprendizaje, un propósito y una organización, y como cualquier acción social está impulsada por la dinámica de los intereses materiales e ideales, y condicionada por las imágenes del mundo (Weltbilder). Al estar proyectado hacia el futuro, el sistema educativo puede ser reproductor o creador de nuevas condiciones sociales, a la vez que se encuentra condicionado por las características de la sociedad en la que se haya inserto. En este artículo se analizan dos pares de aproximaciones al hecho educativo: la restricción versus la extensión del acceso, y la transmisión versus la comunicación del conocimiento. Desde las primeras civilizaciones, la restricción del acceso a ciertos conocimientos ha sido utilizada para reproducir diferentes modelos sociales, como las teocracias del antiguo Egipto y Babilonia; mientras que la perspectiva extensiva pretende hacer posible para todos (o imponer) la inclusión en el sistema formal de educación. En la aproximación basada en la transmisión, por su parte, la obediencia y la autoridad son elementos centrales, y se concibe al alumno como un trozo de arcilla a ser modelado. La aproximación comunicativa, por el contrario, impulsa el pensamiento autónomo (el sapere aude kantiano). La distribución de poder dentro de una sociedad condicionará el grado de acceso a la información y la experimentación autónoma, así como a las herramientas para el conocimiento, para la evaluación de la información y la acción; y viceversa, la opción por una perspectiva u otra tendrá un papel fundamental en la estructura social de esa sociedad

Identidad, significado y medición de las amas de casa

Cerca de una de cada cinco mujeres mayores de edad se dedica en exclusiva al trabajo do-méstico no remunerado en España. El contraste de los datos de dos metodologías distintas para la identificación y medición de esta actividad nos permite constatar la carga ideológica que acompaña al concepto "ama de casa": por un lado, los datos obtenidos por la Encuesta de Población Activa, con una metodología de identificación etic; por el otro, una encuesta realizada a más de once mil personas mayores de edad (de las cuales 5.986 eran mujeres) con una autoidentificación emic. En este trabajo profundizamos en la controversia del uso del concepto "ama de casa" en investigaciones sociales, así como en su pertinencia y límites como identificador de un grupo social.Nearly one in five women in Spain is dedicated exclusively to unpaid household work. Data from two different methodologies used in the identification and measurement of this ac-tivity allows us to observe the ideological loading of the term "housewife": first, the data obtained by the Labour Force Survey, with an etic identification approach; second, a sur-vey of more than eleven thousand adults (5,986 of which were women) with an emic self-identification approach. The study explores the controversial use of the term "housewife" in social research, as well as its relevance and limits as an identifier of a social group

https://doi.org/10.1177/0539018418820239

In this article, we analyse the evolution of electoral information flows in Spain in the digital environment. Three post-electoral surveys (2008, 2011 and 2015) among internet users (N = 4,312) and a series of focus groups enable us to analyse the process of expansion of the Digital Public Sphere (DPS) in Spain. We show that, instead of disintermediation, new intermediations of the electoral information flows appear. The candidacies no longer monopolize the electoral communication; rather, they share spaces in the DPS with personal contacts and civic-social organizations. We observe that, for the first time, in the 2015 elections, the influence exercised by the digital media – particularly social media – exceeded the information received directly from people they know, print media and radio. However, television remained the most influential media during the elections. We note that the use of the DPS in electoral campaigns is increasingly hybrid and dialogical. We find that, in the Spanish case, these changes are linked to the emergence of the 15M movement, which encouraged the emergence of internet-based civil organizations. The traditional political players continue to occupy a very significant role as a source of electoral information, but they share space with this new type of civil organization and with the extensive network of digital contacts. Changes in the Spanish DPS between 2008 and 2015 evidence a greater diversity in information sources and more citizens play an increasingly active role in the creation, modification and dissemination of political contentDans cet article, nous analysons, dans le cadre de l’environnement numérique espagnol, l’évolution du flux d’information électoral. Trois enquêtes post-électorales (2008, 2011 et 2015) réalisées auprès d’Internautes (N = 4,312) et une série de groupes de discussion nous permettent d’analyser le processus d’expansion de la sphère publique numérique (DPS) en Espagne. Nous démontrons, qu’au lieu d’une desintermédiation, apparaissent de nouveaux intermédiaires d’information électorale. Les candidatures ne monopolisent plus la communication électorale, mais au contraire, elles partagent des espaces dans la DPS avec des contacts individuels et des organisations civiques et sociales. Pour la première fois, nous observons dans les élections de 2015 que l’influence exercée par les médias numériques, en particulier les médias sociaux, a outrepassé l’information reçue directement des personnes qu’ils connaissent, de la presse écrite et de la radio. Quoique la télévision demeure le média le plus influent durant les élections, nous remarquons que l’usage de la DPS dans les campagnes électorales est de plus en plus hybride et dialogique. Nous voyons que dans le cas espagnol, ces changements sont liés à l’émergence du mouvement des Indignés qui encourage l’apparition d’organisations civiles basées sur Internet. Les acteurs politiques traditionnels continuent d’occuper un rôle significatif comme source d’information électorale, mais ils partagent leur place avec ce nouveau type d’organisation et avec un réseau étendu de contacts numériques. Les changements de la DPS espagnole entre 2008 et 2015 prouvent une grande diversité dans les sources d’information et un nombre croissant de citoyens jouent un rôle de plus en plus actif dans la création, la modification et la diffusion du contenu politiqu

Streets and Institutions?: The Electoral Extension of Social Movements and Its Tensions

This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge/CRC Press in Routledge Handbook of Radical Politics, on 16-05-2019, available online: https://www.routledge.com/Routledge-Handbook-of-Radical-Politics/Kinna-Gordon/p/book/9781315619880 or https://www.crcpress.com/Routledge-Handbook-of-Radical-Politics/Kinna-Gordon/p/book/978131561988