8 research outputs found

    Legal Victory for Working Women

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    Legal Victory for Working Women

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    Development of the Australian Government’s Workplace Domestic Violence Policy 2008–2018

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    This thesis investigates how and why workplace domestic violence policy was developed in Australia from 2008 to 2018. It examines workplace domestic violence policy as a type of workplace equality and gender equality policy. It analyses the extent to which traditional actors, such as unions, employer parties and components of the state, and non-traditional actors, including anti-domestic violence advocates and union members, influenced this policy development. The thesis addresses several under-researched areas in industrial relations scholarship. First, few studies have addressed the development of workplace domestic violence policy in Australia and how and why it arose. Second, the contribution of non-traditional actors to industrial relations policy change has been neglected and under-theorised. Third, in industrial relations scholarship there have been few attempts to conceptualise changes in workplace gender equality policy and how and why it occurs. The thesis addresses these gaps through an analytical framework comprising of systematic process analysis, analysis of traditional and non-traditional actors, and the theoretical lens of Baird’s (2004, 2006, 2016) typology of orientations. The thesis collected data from interviews carried out with 43 traditional and non-traditional actors involved in workplace domestic violence policy development in Australia from 2008 to 2018. Interview data were supplemented by documentary analysis from a range of organisational sources. The thesis finds that anti-domestic violence advocates and researchers discovered that welfare and business policy orientation framings were ineffective in addressing the cost of domestic violence to people experiencing it. This discovery led these non-traditional actors to convince union, employer and state actors to develop bargaining (through collective bargaining) and workplace entitlements and legislation orientations towards domestic violence policy. Further, the thesis finds that unions quickly became strong advocates and drivers of workplace domestic violence policy and entitlements with particular success in the public sector. Overall, employer parties preferred employers to remain unregulated by the state in domestic violence policy. The thesis concludes that actors such as anti-domestic violence advocates, researchers and unions with a strong social equity orientation towards workplace domestic violence policy, informed by feminism, were able to shift the conservative Australian Government’s overtly business orientation on workplace domestic violence policy towards a social equity orientation. This led to five days of unpaid domestic violence leave in Australia’s National Employment Standards in 2018. The thesis’ conclusions on non-traditional actors and Baird’s (2004, 2006, 2016) typology of orientations provide a substantive theory for how and why workplace domestic violence policy developed in Australia from 2008 to 2018. The thesis expands the types of “principal agency” identified in Baird (e.g., 2004, p. 269) to include non-traditional actors and their specific type. It makes a theoretical contribution by explaining the process through which non-traditional actors influenced traditional actors to engage in orientations towards workplace domestic violence policy likely to lead to social equity outcomes for employees experiencing domestic violence. The thesis calls these new dimensions of causality causes of actor orientation and orientation change. The thesis’ findings contribute to an understanding of the interrelationship needed between policy orientation, mechanism and actor to advance workplace gender equality

    A comparative risk assessment of burden of disease and injury attributable to 67 risk factors and risk factor clusters in 21 regions, 1990-2010: a systematic analysis for the Global Burden of Disease Study 2010.

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    BACKGROUND: Quantification of the disease burden caused by different risks informs prevention by providing an account of health loss different to that provided by a disease-by-disease analysis. No complete revision of global disease burden caused by risk factors has been done since a comparative risk assessment in 2000, and no previous analysis has assessed changes in burden attributable to risk factors over time. METHODS: We estimated deaths and disability-adjusted life years (DALYs; sum of years lived with disability [YLD] and years of life lost [YLL]) attributable to the independent effects of 67 risk factors and clusters of risk factors for 21 regions in 1990 and 2010. We estimated exposure distributions for each year, region, sex, and age group, and relative risks per unit of exposure by systematically reviewing and synthesising published and unpublished data. We used these estimates, together with estimates of cause-specific deaths and DALYs from the Global Burden of Disease Study 2010, to calculate the burden attributable to each risk factor exposure compared with the theoretical-minimum-risk exposure. We incorporated uncertainty in disease burden, relative risks, and exposures into our estimates of attributable burden. FINDINGS: In 2010, the three leading risk factors for global disease burden were high blood pressure (7·0% [95% uncertainty interval 6·2-7·7] of global DALYs), tobacco smoking including second-hand smoke (6·3% [5·5-7·0]), and alcohol use (5·5% [5·0-5·9]). In 1990, the leading risks were childhood underweight (7·9% [6·8-9·4]), household air pollution from solid fuels (HAP; 7·0% [5·6-8·3]), and tobacco smoking including second-hand smoke (6·1% [5·4-6·8]). Dietary risk factors and physical inactivity collectively accounted for 10·0% (95% UI 9·2-10·8) of global DALYs in 2010, with the most prominent dietary risks being diets low in fruits and those high in sodium. Several risks that primarily affect childhood communicable diseases, including unimproved water and sanitation and childhood micronutrient deficiencies, fell in rank between 1990 and 2010, with unimproved water and sanitation accounting for 0·9% (0·4-1·6) of global DALYs in 2010. However, in most of sub-Saharan Africa childhood underweight, HAP, and non-exclusive and discontinued breastfeeding were the leading risks in 2010, while HAP was the leading risk in south Asia. The leading risk factor in Eastern Europe, most of Latin America, and southern sub-Saharan Africa in 2010 was alcohol use; in most of Asia, North Africa and Middle East, and central Europe it was high blood pressure. Despite declines, tobacco smoking including second-hand smoke remained the leading risk in high-income north America and western Europe. High body-mass index has increased globally and it is the leading risk in Australasia and southern Latin America, and also ranks high in other high-income regions, North Africa and Middle East, and Oceania. INTERPRETATION: Worldwide, the contribution of different risk factors to disease burden has changed substantially, with a shift away from risks for communicable diseases in children towards those for non-communicable diseases in adults. These changes are related to the ageing population, decreased mortality among children younger than 5 years, changes in cause-of-death composition, and changes in risk factor exposures. New evidence has led to changes in the magnitude of key risks including unimproved water and sanitation, vitamin A and zinc deficiencies, and ambient particulate matter pollution. The extent to which the epidemiological shift has occurred and what the leading risks currently are varies greatly across regions. In much of sub-Saharan Africa, the leading risks are still those associated with poverty and those that affect children. FUNDING: Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation

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