Kísérlet a többnyelvű középfokú oktatás bevezetésére Magyarországon, 1861-1862

With his October Diploma adopted on 20 October 1860 Franz Joseph I restored the status of Hungarian as the official language of Hungary, but he wanted to preserve the right of individual citizens and settlements to use their own languages. He ordered a consultation about the language of gymnasiums with the faculties, the supervising religious authorities and the city councils. Following these consultations, the Governor’s Council declared Hungarian to be the primary language of all gymnasiums but permitted local majority languages to be used as “auxiliary languages”. Due to strong opposition to the decision Franz Joseph ordered the Governor’s Council to issue corrections and compelled 23 gymnasiums to adopt multilingual education and made German a mandatory subject in all institutions. The majority of the faculties of the schools involved were against the introduction of multilingual education. The Governor’s Council was on the side of the faculties in schools where most students were Hungarian. The Emperor eventually allowed exclusively Hungarian education in certain schools but made their own language and literature compulsory subjects for non-Hungarian speaking students. In the other institutions, especially in the Slovakian regions, attempts were launched at introducing multilingual education, even though the form and extent of these attempts varied

"Az alattomos ellenforradalmi ellenállás szürke eminenciása"? Szőgyény László 1848 őszén

Franz Joseph I. hat Februar 1853 die politische Überprüfung sämmdicher geheimen Räte angeordnet damit es nachgewiesen werden kann, ob ihre Loyalität gegenüber der Dynastie in den stürmischen Jahren 1848/49 unerschüttert geblieben war. Der Militär- und Civil-Gouvernement für Ungarn hat in dieser ziemlich heiklen Angelegenheit die Kommandanten der militärischen Kreise mobilisiert. Aus Pest wurde dann eine „auf vertraulichem Weg" d. h. durch einen Konfidenten erworbene Brief-Kopie an den Chef der Obersten Polizei-Behörde, Baron Johann Kempen von Fichtenstamm vorgelegt. Der Brief war in Oktober 1848 von László von Szőgyény, dem ehemaligen ungarischen Kanzler Stellvertreter geschrieben worden, der ab 1851 als Mitglied des Reichsrates zu der regierenden politischen Elite gehörte. Anfange 1849 hat sich Szőgyény verpflichtet, gegenüber der ungarischen RebellenRegierung der kaiserlichen Macht zu dienen, aber in dem ober erwähnten an einem von seinen Freunden gerichteten Brief hat er dennoch „die gegenüber unsere Heimat verübten niederträchtigen Intrigen", die „von oben aufgeführte ruchlose Politik" eindeutig verurteilt. Kempen hat die Kopie wahrscheinlich an den Kaiser unterbreitet, der aber das Zutrauen zu Szőgyény nicht verloren hat

Az egyesületek és a Schmerling-provizórium kormányzata

The period of the interim unconstitutional administration in Hungary (5.11. 1861-18.07.1865), the socalled 'Schmerling-Provisorium' had certain dual character concerning operating conditions of the civil associations. After the paralysis of the former decade the quantitative as well as qualitative indicators showed dynamic development having started already in 1857/58. On the other hand, the mechanisms of direct and indirect state control of their operation were turning even more oppressing. Through confidential and never published instructions Count Mor Palffy who as governor stood at the head of public administration of Hungary strove in these years to work out and enforce ever more and more stipulations in order to restrict their autonomy. Before 1864 he did not intend to issue new general regulation in this respect, instead he endeavoured to build further restrictive instructions into the statutes of the new associations. In 1864, nonetheless, he made an attempt at enforcing new comprehensive regulation, without success. In the Western provinces of the Austrian Empire the mere existence of the recently founded constitutional political institutions, first of all of the 'Reichsrat', prevented any similar attempt at bringing civil associatios under strict state control, moreover, Palffy himself considered the matter of associations as an provincial affair and not as an imperial one, thus he had to look for potential political supporters first of all among the high ranking Hungarian civil servants. The latter, however, mostly deemed Palffy's aspiration to be definetely harmful on the chances of any future political settlement