Monumental altar from Singidunum with scenes of a sacrificial procession: Pompa et immolatio

Tokom građevinskih radova u samom centru Beograda, antičkog Singidunuma, godine 1932. pronađen je monumentalni rimski spomenik. Na tri strane spomenika prikazane su ikonografske predstave rimske svečane žrtvene procesije, dok je četvrta strana, na kojoj su se nalazili natpisno polje i natpis, na žalost, oštećena do neprepoznatljivosti. Na zadnjoj, široj strani spomenika, nasuprot onoj na kojoj se nalazio natpis, predstavljene su dve muške figure, u stojećem položaju, sa različitim ritualnim predmetima u rukama i s koničnim kapama, tesno priljubljenim uz glavu, koje imaju vrpce za vezivanje ispod brade. U pitanju su sveštenici nižeg reda koji su pomagali glavnom svešteniku prilikom prinošenja žrtve - tzv. tutulati (tutulati), od kojih jedan u desnoj ruci drži krčag za vino, dok mu se u levoj ruci nalazi posuda za libaciju ili nošenje žrtvenih ponuda - patera (patera). Na njegovom levom ramenu nalazi se predmet sa resama, sličan peškiru - tzv. mantele (mantele), odnosno peškir za brisanje ruku što ga je sveštenik nižeg ranga dodavao glavnom svešteniku tokom prinošenja žrtve. Drugi sveštenik nižeg reda drži obema rukama otvorenu kutiju za tamjan - tzv. aceru (acerra), ornamentisanu figuralnom predstavom, verovatno vučice koja doji Romula i Rema. Na levoj bočnoj strani spomenika (u odnosu na zadnju stranu sa predstavom dvojice sveštenika) nalazi se scena čoveka koji vodi bika. U pitanju je sluga odnosno viktimarijus (victimarius), čiji je posao bio da vodi žrtvenu životinju i brine o njenom ponašanju, da je ubije tokom samog rituala žrtvovanja i da potom iseče njeno telo na komade. Viktimarijus vodi bika levom rukom, dok u desnoj ruci drži sekiru kojom će ga ubiti prilikom žrtvovanja. Na desnoj bočnoj strani spomenika prikazan je viktimarijus sa žrtvenim nožem, odnosno kultrarijus (cultrarius), koji nož drži u desnoj ruci, dok levom rukom vodi ovna. Na leđima obe žrtvene životinje prikazana je ritualna traka dorsuale (dorsuale), koja je označavala posvećenje životinje u ritualne svrhe. Analiza i interpretacija monumentalnog spomenika iz Singidunuma pokazale su da je u pitanju arheološki spomenik jedinstvene ikonografije sa prostora rimske provincije Gornje Mezije, s obzirom na to da su predstavljene scene svečane žrtvene procesije. Izuzetan značaj oltara ogleda se u tome što su dvojica sveštenika nižeg reda, pomagača glavnom svešteniku, prikazana na jednoj od širih strana spomenika. To samo dodatno osnažuje hipotezu da je u pitanju bila važna ritualna svečanost koja je, verovatno, priređena u čast vrhovnog rimskog boga Jupitera, genija imperatora ili predaka rimskog cara. Najbližu geografsku analogiju predstavlja scena žrtvene procesije sa žrtvenika iz Aserije, dok se druge analogije mogu pronaći na reljefu dve žrtve iz Luvra i bareljefu iz Sabrate u Libiji. Može se pretpostaviti da je spomenik iz Singidunuma sa predstavama svečane žrtvene procesije bio votivni oltar koji se nalazio u prostoru hrama posvećenog bogu Jupiteru ili, manje verovatno, nekom od drugih značajnih rimskih bogova, blizu pretpostavljenog rimskog foruma u Singidunumu, gde je i pronađen. Monumentalni spomenik iz Singidunuma datuje se u vreme od druge polovine 2. veka do početka 3. veka.A monumental altar was found in the very centre of Belgrade, ancient Singidunum, in 1932, with iconographic scenes of the sacrificial procession for a ritual animal sacrifice - immolatio. The scenes depict the procession of sacrificial animals to the altar known as pompa, by the victimarii, but also represent priests of a lower rank (flamines minores), with ritual utensils like a wine-pitcher, patera and acerra, used for the ritus of purification which precedes the sacrifice and for ritual acts during the sacrifice. The altar from Singidunum represents a unique monument with the described iconography in the territory of Moesia Superior and it has only been published in catalogue form to date, never fully analysed or interpreted. Through the analysis of its iconography, typology, function, geographically closest analogies and possible context of its finding, new conclusions regarding the praxis of public ritual sacrifice are brought to light related to the period from the second half of the 2nd century to the first decades of the 3rd century in Singidunum, one of the main centres of Moesia Superior

New observations on the miniature of the vision of Saint Gregory of Nazianzus in Paris. GR. 510

The article deals with the iconography of the illustration of the Second Paschal Homily of St. Gregory of Nazianzus on fol. 285r of the Paris manuscript. It questions the identity of the woman saint represented on the right of St. Paraskeve in the lower register of the scene. Unlike that above St. Paraskeve, the inscription identifying this second woman saint is fragmentary and difficult to read, but it has been widely accepted that she is Saint Helena, mother of the Emperor Constantine the Great. On the basis of two other representations of Helena in the same manuscript and of the style of the inscription accompanying them, as well as taking into account the importance of the theological meaning expounded by St. Gregory in his oration, it is suggested that the second woman saint may be St. Kyriake

MMORPGs and Nationalism

Communities which form within the worlds of digital games, especially MMORPGs are, in theory, a-national, because the basic premise of digital worlds is their limitlessness and the overcoming of boundaries that exist in the physical world. Gamers from different European countries are based on servers which are designated as international (English language European servers), these people speak different languages, but English is the default lingua franca. Even though it is generally assumed that most guilds (communities) on these servers are international, there is also a strong tendency to form "national" guilds, comprised of gamers who speak the same native language. On the one hand, this is the consequence of the desire for better/easier understanding and communication within the community, but – as analyses of gamer behaviour on Chinese and Taiwanese servers show – also the assumption of shared cultural preferences, that serve to enhance the internal cohesion of the community. “National” guilds will often recruit members by publishing calls in their native language on public channels, which serves to deter anyone who doesn't speak the language in question. In these cases it is irrelevant where (in which country) the players are physically based, as the national borders are equated with the boundaries of language. This paper will analyze recruiting messages published by “national” guilds, the behaviour/attitudes of the players and the discussions of ethnic/national issues on public channels and social networks in the MMORPG World of Warcraft. The data shows that, regardless of the assumed lack of borders in digital worlds, boundaries in online spaces are often set in accordance with ideas about nations that players have in the physical world. On the other hand, there is the possibility that some gamers, through meeting and conversing with people from different countries and cultures in the digital world, correct and change the attitudes they formed in their physical surroundings, which then serves to facilitate their joining international communities, as well as diminishing ethnic barriers in the “real” world

Comparative examination of the serological response to bluetongue virus in diseased ruminants by competitive and double recognition enzime-linked immunosorbent assays

ΔΕΝ ΔΙΑΤΙΘΕΤΑΙ ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗBluetongue (BT) is a viral non-contagious disease of ruminants which is transmitted by insects of the genus Culicoides. In recent years, BT has been a serious threat to livestock and to the economies of European countries. In Serbia the disease appeared for the first time in 2001, and after a 12 year period of freedom, it broke out again in 2014. Considering the actuality of this infectious disease, especially the need for prompt and rapid diagnostics, the aim of this paper was to determine the possibility of detecting the serological response in sheep and cattle with manifested clinical signs of the disease using two different methods: double recognition enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (sELISA) and competitive enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (cELISA). A total of 105 blood serum samples of cattle and sheep, which had exhibited clinical signs of BT during 2014, were taken for examination from a serum bank. Out of 74 blood serum samples of sheep and 31 blood serum samples of cattle, 52 samples of sheep and 18 samples of cattle tested positive using sELISA, while 50 samples of sheep and 18 samples of cattle gave positive reactions with cELISA. The results confirm the high sensitivity of sELISA which detected 4% more seropositive sheep in comparison with cELISA. Using Cohen’s kappa statistical analysis, almost perfect agreement was determined between the results (k>0,81) obtained by cELISA and sELISA

Urbarijalne dažbine sela Voganj u drugoj polovini XVIII. i prvoj polovini XIX. veka

Village Voganj was a part of so-called Mitrovacki, later Rumski landed estate, on which in 1751 the Pejacevic family got the document attesting to the giving of a present. The landed estate (Rumski) was, like every other in Srem and Slavonia, under the Slavonic Feudal Law introduced by Maria Theresa in 1756. This Feudal Law arranged in details relations between peasants and landowners. Introducing the Feudal Law the land was measured, divided into parcels and it determined peasants\u27 obligations to landowners. According to this, village Voganj, as a part of the Rumski landed estate, was under the Slavonic Feudal Law and the obligations of peasants to landowners (Pejačević family) were converted according to the Law. Concerning the real - estate taxes, which were paid according to the parcels, Voganj were paying, in the period from 1758 to 1818, the sum of 39 3/4 of parcels- Most of the time during this period of 60 years, the sum was over 437 forint, more exactly 11 forint per parcel. After 1818 parcels varied between 40 and 50. Apart from basic real - estate taxes, the village rented the part of barren area Mandjelos and periodically landowners\u27 water mills in the village and in the surrounding area. According to the registry, it is possibly to see the development of crafts in the village, and the first craftsman appeared in the second part of the 18 century. This significant original list of the feudal taxes of village Voganj is in the Archive of Srem in Sremska Mitrovica

A message from beyond the grave: Hercules rescuing Hesione on a Stojnik funerary monument

Među retkim rimskim nadgrobnim spomenicima sa mitološkim predstavama iz Gornje Mezije izdvaja se spomenik od sivog krečnjaka iz Stojnika, i to po ikonografskoj sceni - jedinstvenoj na prostoru rimskih provincija centralnog Balkana - koja prikazuje Herkulovo spasavanje Hesione od morskog čudovišta ketosa. U pitanju je nadgrobna stela arhitektonskog tipa, sa trougaonim zabatom, mitološkom scenom predstavljenom u edikuli i sa natpisnim poljem. Funerarni spomenik je bogato dekorisan različitim motivima, a iz teksta natpisa saznaje se da je posvećen Senima mrtvih zbog smrti Publija Elija Viktorinusa, veterana kohorte II Aurelije nove. Spomenik su podigli njegova supruga Aurelija Rufina i njihov sin Publije Elije Akucianus. Kohorta II Aurelija nova bila je jedna od šest kohorti koje su pred kraj drugog veka osnovane u cilju čuvanja rudnika u oblasti Šumadije, i to regrutovanjem uglavnom lokalnog stanovništva, kome je najverovatnije pripadao i preminuli Publije Elije Akucianus. S obzirom na to da su arheološka istraživanja potvrdila postojanje vojnog logora na prostoru Stojnika, kao i postojanje bolnice za vojnike kohorte II Aurelije nove u pomenutoj oblasti, pretpostavlja se da je ova kohorta bila zadužena za bezbednost kako rudničke eksploatacije olova, srebra, zlata i gvožđa, tako i rudara iz oblasti Stojnika. Nadgrobni spomenik sadrži nekoliko ikonografskih scena različite sadržine: u sredini trougaonog zabata prikazani su ženska figura koja stoji i desno od nje pas koji pije iz suda (?), odnosno sud, u sredini scene, sa panterom desno od njega (usled nedostatka gornjeg dela scene i uticaja atmosferalija, nemoguće je izvršiti sigurnu identifikaciju motiva u sredini zabata). U spoljnim uglovima trougaonog zabata predstavljena su dva morska čudovišta, s dugim ribljim repom, kako prednjim nogama stoje na ljudskim lobanjama (?). Ispod trougaonog zabata je tanak friz, a ispod njega je predstavljena edikula sa mitološkom scenom. U centru scene prikazana je mlada naga (ili polunaga) devojka, sa rukama prikovanim za pozadinu (stena?), dok je s njene leve strane prikazan nag muškarac, naglašene muskulature, pored čije se leve noge nalazi batina, koji u rukama ima luk iz kojeg odapinje strelu ka morskom čudovištu što je predstavljeno iz profila sa devojčine desne strane. Morsko čudovište ketos naginje se gornjim delom tela i prednjim nogama prema devojci u nameri da joj naudi. Ispod ove mitološke scene nalazi se friz sa predstavom lova, u kojoj su prikazani jelen (pas?) i dva divlja vepra. Ispod friza se nalazi udubljeno polje sa natpisom, flankirano stubovima sa kapitelima, a ispod njega je prazno polje. Iako Herkulovo oružje u ikonografskoj predstavi spasavanja Hesione nije batina što se nalazi pored njega, već luk sa strelama - luk kao oružje boga pojavljuje se na prvoj do sada poznatoj predstavi Herkulovog spasavanja Hesione iz 7. veka pre n.e. (korintski krater), kao i na još svega tri reljefa sa prostora drugih rimskih provincija. Mitološka predstava Herkulovog spasavanja Hesione od morskog čudovišta pripada njegovim doživljajima nakon pohoda na Amazonke. Pošto deo njegovog obećanja datog bogovima Apolonu i Posejdonu nije ispunjen, na trojanskog kralja Laomedona i Troju poslato je morsko čudovište, a jedini način da se ono umiri bilo je žrtvovanje Laomedonove kćeri Hesione. Laomedon obećava onome ko mu spase kćer svoje besmrtne konje, te Herkul odlazi da se suoči s morskim čudovištem, koje ubija a Hesionu spasava od sigurne smrti. Mit o Herkulu i Hesioni spada u alegorijske priče o pobedi nad smrću i zadobijanju besmrtnog života nakon smrti putem vrline. One su upravo zbog svoje simbolike bile omiljene na rimskim nadgrobnim spomenicima. Herkul, koji je predstavljao jedno od omiljenih vojnih božanstava, zaštitnika rudara i rudnika, ali takođe i boga sa htonskom dimenzijom, bio je, zahvaljujući svom životu i hrabrim delima, idealan primer za smrtnike koji su nastojali da sebi obezbede istu sudbinu poput Herkulove u kontekstu života nakon smrti zasluženog hrabrošću, moralom i časnošću. Eshatološka, a moguće i soteriološka, simbolika nadgrobnog spomenika iz Stojnika dodatno je podvučena predstavom u trougaonom zabatu, motivima morskih čudovišta u spoljnim uglovima zabata i scenom lova u frizu između mitološke scene u edikuli i natpisnog polja spomenika. Pretpostavka je da se u centralnoj predstavi unutar zabata, u prikazu žene sa psom, može prepoznati jedna od htonskih boginja koja je poštovana na rudničkom prostoru Stojnika - DEA Orkija ili Tera Mater, ili pak to da je impliciran dionizijski htonski kontekst, ukoliko je predstavljen sud sa panterom desno od njega. Predstave lova poznate su pak sa sedam nadgrobnih spomenika u Gornjoj Meziji i simbolizuju hrabrost i vrlinu pokojnika putem kojih on dostiže besmrtnost u životu posle smrti. Mitološka predstava Herkulovog spasavanja Hesione bila je u periodu rimske vladavine naročito popularna na nadgrobnim spomenicima iz severnih provincija, a pretpostavlja se da je taj tip predstava u Gornju Meziju dospeo iz Donje Panonije, gde je bio dobro poznat i omiljen, naročito među vojnicima. Mitološka predstava sa nadgrobnog spomenika iz Stojnika ima geografski najbližu analogiju u scenama sa bočnih strana izgubljenog sarkofaga Maksimijane Elije iz Siska, kao što je ikonografski slična predstavama sa reljefa iz Dalfingena i sceni sa nadgrobnog spomenika iz Halštata. Na osnovu stilskih karakteristika, nadgrobni spomenik iz Stojnika datuje se u period od 171. do 200. godine n.e. i predstavlja za sada jedinu predstavu Herkulovog spasavanja Hesione od morskog čudovišta sa prostora rimske provincije Gornje Mezije.The research of this study is dedicated to a unique iconographical scene in the territory of the Central Balkan Roman provinces, of Hercules rescuing Hesione from a sea-monster (ketos), depicted on a funerary monument found in 1931 at the site of Stojnik, in the vicinity of Belgrade, antique Singidunum, and now displayed in the lapidarium of the National Museum in Belgrade. The funerary monument was erected for the deceased, a veteran of cohors II Aurelia nova, Publius Aelius Victorinus, by his wife Aurelia Rufina and their son Publius Aelius Acutianus. The rich iconography of the monument makes it a very important example of funerary art in the period from the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century - the eschatological symbolism of the presented scenes and motifs is more than clear and underlines not only the hope of the deceased's family for his eternal and blessed life after death, but also the deceased's victory over death and presents him as a symbol of courage and virtue. The architectural scheme of the monument, along with its iconography, suggests strong artistic influences from Noricum and both the Pannonian provinces, while the the mythical tale of Hercules and Hesione was chosen, it is argued, not only because Hercules was one of the most favoured gods in the Roman army, but also because he was a protector of miners and mines

Optimal approximation of convex curves by functions which are piecewise linear

AbstractIn this paper an efficient method is presented for solving the problem of approximation of convex curves by functions that are piecewise linear, in such a manner that the maximum absolute value of the approximation error is minimized. The method requires the curves to be convex on the approximation interval only. The boundary values of the approximation function can be either free or specified. The method is based on the property of the optimal solution to be such that each linear segment approximates the curve on its interval optimally while the optimal error is uniformly distributed among the linear segments of the approximation function. Using this method the optimal solution can be determined analytically to the full extent in certain cases, as it was done for functions x2 and x12. In general, the optimal solution has to be computed numerically following the procedure suggested in the paper. Using this procedure, optimal solutions were computed for functions sin x, tg x, and arc tg x. Optimal solutions to these functions were used in practical applications

Literature in English Language Education

A book review of \u27Using Literature in English Language Education: Challenging Reading for 8 – 18 Year Olds\u27 by Janice Bland

Beyond the borders: The significance of frontiers between central Balkans' Roman provinces in the context of Roman art

Romanisation of the Central Balkans began with the Roman conquest in the 1stcentury, upon which tribal communities were organized into administrative units. The fact that the boundaries of pre-Roman tribal territories didn't correspond in total with the areas of the newly formed Roman provinces, led to frequent influences from neighbouring provinces and the blending of Roman art with local traits in the artistic sphere. Although in the 1stcentury different types of sculpture (cult, monumental and honorary) were present, throughout the whole period of the Roman reign cult sculptures and statues were the most numerous. Tracing the development of the art in the territory of Central Balkans' Roman provinces, it is clear that the northern parts were more under the Roman influence as the consequence of indigenous population more readily adapting to the process of Romanisation, while the southern parts of the Central Balkans area were more influenced by the Greek culture with which they were in contact from as early as the middle of the 7thcentury B.C. Sculptures, statues and reliefs were modelled upon Roman art canons, copying classical Greek and Hellenistic art, in bigger centres like Ratiaria, Singidunum, Viminacium, Naissus, Scupi etc. and localities along the Danube limes. At the same time, in the interior of the Central Balkans' provinces, works of art were manufactured upon Roman canons but with local traits. These were mainly recognized in the simplicity, frontality and linearity of the art works. This is particularly visible in the western and south-western parts of the aforementioned territory, as in some of the localities in eastern parts of the area. During the 2ndand the 3rdcenturies, beside skilful artisans from Greece, Asia Minor and the Mediterranean, who came and worked in bigger centres, local workshops also produced different kinds of artworks, copying Roman types in a more or less successful way. During the 3rdcentury particularly, different cultural and artistic influences met and blended, often transcending the administrative borders of the provinces, thus the forthcoming iconographic syncretism was present in the 4thcentury as well. From the end of the 3rd and during the 4thcentury, rich aristocrats, local elite and emperors ordered high quality works for decorating their estates and villas, following aesthetic criteria established in other eastern and western provinces. In the art works from that period, beside certain schematism and linearity in the modelling, a blending of similar iconographic details is emphasized as the presence of local artistic traits. Therefore, the continuance of manufacturing of the sculpture by copying classical Greek works of art and of the locally produced works of art with traits of indigenous material cultures is present until the end of the Roman reign

The cult of goddess fortuna in the roman central Balkans

The cult of the goddess Fortuna has been attested on the territory of Roman provinces in the Central Balkans with numerous votive monuments, sculptures, votive reliefs, statuettes and on glyptics. The goddess was particularly popular among the army, but also venerated by administrative personnel, merchants, freedmen, slaves and women. The epithets of the goddess imply that she was honoured by her devotees as in other Roman provinces – mainly as the goddess of good luck and chance, but also as the protectress of transport, business, routes and perhaps in bathing facilities. Fortuna was usually worshipped alone, but her pairing with the Egyptian goddess Isis as the syncretistic deity Isis-Fortuna and her relationship with Genii, are confirmed in different Central Balkans localities. The goddess Fortuna’s sanctuaries can be presumed in the vicinity of Ulpiana, Niš, near Kumanovo and probably in Viminacium, while her cult lasted from the 2nd to the last decades of the 3rd century