3,734 research outputs found

    The past is evil/evil is past: on retrospective politics, 'philosophy of history, and temporal manichaeism

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    One of the most remarkable phenomena in current international politics is the increasing attention paid to historical injustice. Opinions on this phenomenon strongly differ. For some it stands for a new and noble type of politics based on raised moral standards and helping the cause of peace and democracy. Others are more critical and claim that retrospective politics comes at the cost of present- or future-oriented politics and tends to be anti-utopian. The warnings about the perils of a retrospective politics outweighing politics directed at contemporary injustices, or strivings for a more just future, should be taken seriously. Yet the alternative of a politics disregarding all historical injustice is not desirable either. We should refuse to choose between restitution for historical injustices and struggle for justice in the present or the future. Rather, we should look for types of retrospective politics that do not oppose but complement or reinforce the emancipatory and utopian elements in present- and future-directed politics. I argue that retrospective politics can indeed have negative effects. Most notably it can lead to a temporal Manichaeism that not only posits that the past is evil, but also tends to treat evil as anachronistic or as belonging to the past. Yet I claim that ethical Manichaeism and anti-utopianism and are not inherent features of all retrospective politics but rather result from an underlying philosophy of history that treats the relation between past, present, and future in antinomic terms and prevents us from understanding transtemporal injustices and responsibilities. In order to pinpoint the problem of certain types of retrospective politics and point toward some alternatives, I start out from a criticism formulated by the German philosopher Odo Marquard and originally directed primarily at progressivist philosophies of history

    History from the Grave? Politics of time in Spanish mass grave exhumations

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    During the last decade, Spanish memory movements have exhumed a great number of mass graves from the Civil War and Francoist repression. This exhumation campaign is often interpreted in psychopathological terms as a natural reaction to a traumatic past and as proving that this past should be healed by a therapeutic memory that fosters closure -- a vision that we call 'trauma-therapy-closure (TTC) time'. Although this vision is in line with widespread 'transitional justice' discourse it should be critically analyzed. We argue that the Spanish situation does not prove the naturalness and universal applicability of TTC time. Although we do identify an influential exhumation group that shares aspects of this TTC vision, its approach is contested by local actors and competing exhumation organizations that engage in alternative politics of time. Therefore we demonstrate how the case of Spain rather reveals how TTC time is actively disseminated and promoted on a local level

    Breaking up time: negotiating the borders between present, past and future

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    Counter-Imperial Orientalism: Friedrich Berber and the politics of international law in Germany and India, 1920s-1960s

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    The most trenchant critiques of Western international law are framed around the legacy of its historic complicity in the imperial project of governing non-European peoples. International law organised Europe and its ‘others’ into a hierarchy of civilizational difference that was only ever reconfigured but never overturned. But when analysing the complex relationship between international law and imperialism the differences within Europe—as opposed to a dyadic opposition of Europe versus the ‘rest'—also matter. Within the historical and political constellations of the early and mid-twentieth century, German difference produced a set of arguments that challenged dominant discourses of international law by posturing as anti-imperial critique. This article focuses on the global career of Friedrich Berber (1898-1984) who, as a legal adviser in Nazi Germany and Nehru’s India, was at the forefront of state-led challenges to liberal international law. Berber fused notions of German civilizational superiority with an appropriation of Indian colonial victimhood, and pursued a shared politics of opposition. He embodies a version of German-Indian entanglement which did not abate after the Second World War, emphasizing the long continuities of empire, power differentials, civilizational hierarchies and developmental logics under the umbrella of international law
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