36 research outputs found
Association of candidate pharmacogenetic markers with platinum-induced ototoxicity: PanCareLIFE dataset
Genetic association studies suggest a genetic predisposition for cisplatin-induced ototoxicity. Among other candidate genes, thiopurine methyltransferase (TPMT) is considered a critical gene for susceptibility to cisplatin-induced hearing loss in a pharmacogenetic guideline. The PanCareLIFE cross-sectional cohort study evaluated the genetic associations in a large pan-European population and assessed the diagnostic accuracy of the genetic markers. 1,112 pediatric cancer survivors who had provided biomaterial for genotyping were screened for participation in the pharmacogenetic association study. 900 participants qualified for inclusion. Based on the assessment of original audiograms, patients were assigned to three phenotype categories: no, minor, and clinically relevant hearing loss. Fourteen variants in eleven candidate genes (ABCC3, OTOS, TPMT, SLC22A2, NFE2L2, SLC16A5, LRP2, GSTP1, SOD2, WFS1, and ACYP2) were genotyped. The genotype and phenotype data represent a resource for conducting meta-analyses to derive a more precise pooled estimate of the effects of genes on the risk of hearing loss due to platinum treatment
Human-Mediated Emergence as a Weed and Invasive Radiation in the Wild of the CD Genome Allotetraploid Rice Species (Oryza, Poaceae) in the Neotropics
BACKGROUND: The genus Oryza is being used as a model in plant genomic studies although there are several issues still to be resolved regarding the spatio-temporal evolution of this ancient genus. Particularly contentious is whether undated transoceanic natural dispersal or recent human interference has been the principal agent determining its present distribution and differentiation. In this context, we studied the origin and distribution history of the allotetraploid CD rice genome. It is endemic to the Neotropics but the genus is thought to have originated in the Paleotropics, and there is relatively little genetic divergence between some orthologous sequences of the C genome component and their Old World counterparts. METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Because of its allotetraploidy, there are several potential pitfalls in trying to date the formation of the CD genome using molecular data and this could lead to erroneous estimates. Therefore, we rather chose to rely on historical evidence to determine whether or not the CD genome was present in the Neotropics before the arrival of Columbus. We searched early collections of herbarium specimens and studied the reports of explorers of the tropical Americas for references to rice. In spite of numerous collectors traveling inland and collecting Oryza, plants determined as CD genome species were not observed away from cultivated rice fields until 1869. Various arguments suggest that they only consisted of weedy forms until that time. CONCLUSIONS/SIGNIFICANCE: The spatio-temporal distribution of herbarium collections fits a simple biogeographical scenario for the emergence in cultivated rice fields followed by radiation in the wild of the CD genome in the Neotropics during the last four centuries. This probably occurred from species introduced to the Americas by humans and we found no evidence that the CD genome pre-existed in the Old World. We therefore propose a new evolutionary hypothesis for such a recent origin of the CD genome. Moreover, we exemplify how an historical approach can provide potentially important information and help to disentangle the timing of evolutionary events in the history of the Oryza genomes
Um mundo novo no Atlântico: marinheiros e ritos de passagem na linha do equador, séculos XV-XX
Espaço, paisagem e população: dinâmicas espaciais e movimentos da população na leitura das vilas do ouro em Minas Gerais ao começo do século XIX
Plantar povoações no território: (re)construindo a urbanização da capitania do Piauí, 1697-1761
The Piauí province´s urbanization has kept up with since late 17th century a complex process dealt among Portuguese Crown, the regal representatives, the network woven by the Casa da Torre and by the resident population in its countryside. What it was content of Rodelas countryside has begun to build with territorial identity since the foundation of first parish in 1697. Structuring itself discontinuously in time and space, the Piauí had reformed in 1758, year of creation of its autonomous government. And had became urban in 1761 when the king D. José I and marquis of Pombal had framed by the royal letter written in June 19 a territory formed by six towns and one city. Thus, this paper purposes to reconstructing the Piauí province according to agents involved in the urbanization processes. It proposes to deconstructing Crown´s polices by means towns strategically placed in territory aiming at control and "remedy" of routine injustices practiced in Piauí´s hinterlands. The method of presenting this reconstruction draws on interconnection between text (manuscript documents) and image (maps and photography) which in their discourses have represented a Piauí as space of experiences apprehended as much in official dimension as inhabitant´s everyday life.A urbanização da capitania do Piauí acompanhou, desde finais do século XVII, um complexo processo negociado entre a Coroa portuguesa, os representantes régios, a rede clientelar urdida pela Casa da Torre e a população residente em seus sertões. O que antes era conteúdo dos sertões de Rodelas passou a construir-se como identidade territorial a partir da fundação da primeira freguesia, em 1697, dedicada a Nossa Senhora da Vitória. Estruturando-se descontinuamente no tempo e no espaço, o Piauí reforma-se em 1758, ano da autonomização do seu governo. E fez-se urbano em 1761, quando D. José I e o marquês de Pombal equacionaram, por meio da carta régia de 19 de junho, um território formado por seis vilas e uma cidade. Nessa direção, o objetivo deste artigo consiste em reconstruir o processo de formação da capitania do Piauí segundo os agentes envolvidos na urbanização do território. Propõe-se descortinar as políticas da Coroa por meio da oficialização de povoações estrategicamente locadas no território visando o controle e o "remédio" das injustiças rotineiras do Piauí. O método de apresentar essa reconstrução vale-se da interconexão entre texto (documentação manuscrita) e imagem (mapas e fotografias), que em suas entrelinhas representam um Piauí como espaço de experiências sentidas tanto na dimensão oficial quanto no cotidiano dos seus moradores
Phylogenetic relationships of the New World titi monkeys (Callicebus): First appraisal of taxonomy based on molecular evidence
Background: Titi monkeys, Callicebus, comprise the most species-rich primate genus-34 species are currently recognised, five of them described since 2005. The lack of molecular data for titi monkeys has meant that little is known of their phylogenetic relationships and divergence times. To clarify their evolutionary history, we assembled a large molecular dataset by sequencing 20 nuclear and two mitochondrial loci for 15 species, including representatives from all recognised species groups. Phylogenetic relationships were inferred using concatenated maximum likelihood and Bayesian analyses, allowing us to evaluate the current taxonomic hypothesis for the genus. Results: Our results show four distinct Callicebus clades, for the most part concordant with the currently recognised morphological species-groups-the torquatus group, the personatus group, the donacophilus group, and the moloch group. The cupreus and moloch groups are not monophyletic, and all species of the formerly recognized cupreus group are reassigned to the moloch group. Two of the major divergence events are dated to the Miocene. The torquatus group, the oldest radiation, diverged c. 11 Ma; and the Atlantic forest personatus group split from the ancestor of all donacophilus and moloch species at 9-8 Ma. There is little molecular evidence for the separation of Callicebus caligatus and C. dubius, and we suggest that C. dubius should be considered a junior synonym of a polymorphic C. caligatus. Conclusions: Considering molecular, morphological and biogeographic evidence, we propose a new genus level taxonomy for titi monkeys: Cheracebus n. gen. in the Orinoco, Negro and upper Amazon basins (torquatus group), Callicebus Thomas, 1903, in the Atlantic Forest (personatus group), and Plecturocebus n. gen. in the Amazon basin and Chaco region (donacophilus and moloch groups). © 2016 Byrne et al
Phylogenetic relationships of the South American Doradoidea (Ostariophysi: Siluriformes)
XIV.—Notes on some vertebrate fossils from the Province of Bahia, Brazil, collected by Joseph Mawson, Esq., F.G.S
Volume: 2Start Page: 132End Page: 13
Natureza ou Deus: afinidades panteístas entre Goethe e o "brasileiro" Martius Nature or God: pantheistic affinities between Goethe and Martius, "the Brazilian"
Na segunda parte do romance As afinidades eletivas, a jovem Ottilie registra em seu diário as seguintes palavras: "Digno de veneração é apenas o naturalista que sabe descrever e expor o mais estranho, o mais insólito, com sua cor local, com todo o seu entorno e sempre em seu elemento mais próprio. Como eu gostaria de ver-me um dia na presença de Humboldt, ouvindo suas narrações!". A passagem revela, ao lado da admiração de Goethe por Humboldt, o seu interesse pelas ciências naturais, o qual experimenta significativa intensificação em setembro de 1824, quando estabelece contato pessoal com o botânico Carl F. P. von Martius. Em seu jovem interlocutor Goethe logo reconhece as qualidades de naturalista que no romance são atribuídas a Humboldt. Passa então a acompanhar com máximo interesse as publicações em que Martius elabora as pesquisas, observações e experiências realizadas ao longo dos três anos e meio em que percorreu, junto com o zoólogo Spix, mais de dez mil quilômetros de território brasileiro. Nasce assim um intercâmbio científico e cultural dos mais fecundos, o qual se enraíza especialmente nas concepções panteístas de que partilhavam o velho poeta de Weimar e o jovem botânico. Além de enfocar alguns aspectos das viagens brasileiras de Martius, este ensaio tem por objetivo expor a sua recepção por Goethe e discutir ainda eventuais influxos sobre sua produção literária. A reelaboração, em 1825, de uma das canções que Goethe, 43 anos antes, havia redigido com o subtítulo Brasilianisch deve-se seguramente a esse intercâmbio. Pretende-se discutir também a hipótese de que determinados textos e concepções de Martius tenham deixado vestígios em passagens da segunda parte do Fausto.<br>In the second part of the novel Elective Affinities, young Ottilie registered the following words in her diary: "The only inquirers into nature whom we care to respect, are such as know how to describe and to represent to us the strange wonderful things which they have seen in their proper locality, each in its own special element. How I should enjoy once hearing Humboldt talk!". Besides Goethe's admiration for Humboldt, this excerpt reveals his interest in natural sciences, which experienced significant intensification in September 1824 when Goethe established a personal contact with botanist Carl F. P. von Martius. In this young interlocutor, Goethe soon recognized the qualities of a naturalist which, in the novel, were attributed to Humboldt. He then developed a keen interest in and started to keep up with the publications in which Martius elaborated research, observations and experiments carried out throughout the three and a half years in which he travelled across more than ten thousand kilometers of Brazilian territory together with zoologist Spix. Thus, a most fruitful scientific and cultural exchange arose, rooted mainly in the pantheistic conceptions shared by Weimar's old poet and the young botanist. In addition to focusing on some aspects of Martius's expeditions in Brazil, the present essay aims to expose the reception given to them by Goethe and discuss occasional influxes in his literary production. The reelaboration, in 1825, of one of the songs Goethe had written 43 years earlier with the subtitle Brasilianisch is certainly due to this exchange. We also aim to discuss the hypothesis that certain texts and conceptions by Martius have left marks on passages in the second part of Faust