LATIN AMERICAN TRADITIONAL PARTIES: THE IMPACT OF PARTIES' INTERNAL FEATURES ON THEIR ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE, 1978-2006

Why do some parties suffer more than others under similar contextual conditions? Or why are some parties able to weather difficult external environments while others fail? The aim of this dissertation is to answer these questions. My argument claims that the internal organization of parties matters, because it affects their capacity to react and survive, especially in contexts of environmental changes. Specifically, parties that rely on vertical structures, where few leaders at the central level concentrate power and control the party's direction, are more likely to lose their political power in changing contexts than parties that rely on structures that are less hierarchical, where power is distributed among different leaders, and where leadership mobility is more likely to occur. Similarly, parties that lack democratic procedures for selecting their candidates suffer more in challenging environments than parties that have them. In non-democratic parties central leaders decide whom to nominate for public office, and party members and voters do not enjoy the possibility of participating in this process. The impossibility of voting for politicians that the electorate and party members prefer might lead them to withdraw their support for the organization. This is of particular relevance in times of crisis.This argument is developed through the observation of Latin America's traditional parties. These parties dominated the political arena in the region during the last decades of the twentieth century. They played a significant role in the legitimation of democratic politics in particular when countries transited from authoritarian regimes, and in policy- making processes. However, during the early years of the 21st Century (2000-2005), many of them faded, and political outsiders with antiestablishment discourses and new parties and political movements flourished. Other traditional parties survived and were able to respond successfully to contextual challenges successfully. The findings of the study indicate that the internal characteristics of parties matter. Empirical tests show that party characteristics mediate the responses that their leaders undertake as well as the resulting electoral outcomes. This finding adds to studies that focus attention on political parties as units of analyses

Legislative and presidential elections in Colombia in 2002. First left-wing government in the country’s political history

Este artículo tiene como objetivo hacer un balance de las elecciones presidenciales y legislativas que se llevaron a cabo en Colombia en 2022. Ese año, por primera vez en la historia política del país, fue elegido un presidente de izquierda, Gustavo Petro. En el Congreso de la República, también por primera vez, una lista integrada por partidos, también de izquierda, logró el porcentaje de votos y sillas más alto, por encima de los partidos tradicionales. Se ofrece información sobre la configuración del sistema de partidos y se plantea que su creciente fragmentación produce grandes desafíos para la estabilidad política, pero, a la vez, es indicador de una democracia incluyente, flexible y madura. El artículo describe el contexto en el que se dieron las elecciones nacionales y hace una descripción de las reglas del sistema electoral colombiano.This article aims to provide an overview of the presidential and legislative national election that took place in Colombia in 2022. In that year, for the first time in the country’s political history, a left-wing president, Gustavo Petro, was elected. In the parliament, also for the first time, a list composed of left-wing parties, Pacto Histórico, achieved the highest percentaje of votes and seats, surpassing the traditional parties. The article offers information about the party system configuration, and argues that its growing fragmentation poses significant challenges to political stability, yet it also serves as an indicator of an inclusive, flexible and mature democracy. The article describes the political context in which the elections ocurred, and provides an overview of the Colombian electoral rules

La Constitución de 1991 y el Sistema de Partidos Colombiano: dos décadas de reconfiguraciones políticas

En el mes de julio de 2011 se cumplen veinte años de haberse sancionado la Constitución Política de 1991. El aniversario de dos décadas se presenta como una nueva oportunidad para realizar un balance sobre los resultados que se han producido a lo largo de este tiempo en diferentes ámbitos del régimen político. En el presente artículo, se desarrolla una breve reflexión sobre la evolución, las transformaciones, y las reconfiguraciones que ha sufrido el sistema de partidos en este período. Como veremos, la nueva carta introdujo medidas dirigidas a lograr una mejor representación de los intereses públicos, a través de la apertura de espacios políticos. Este propósito se encaminó a partir del diseño de reglas que facilitaran la creación y puesta en funcionamiento de organizaciones diferentes a los partidos tradicionales

The renewal of traditional conservatism through new parties. The case of Centro Democrático in Colombia, 2014-2018

Desde inicios de la década de 1990, un porcentaje importante de partidos políticos tradicionales en América Latina ha decaído en su poder político y electoral (Wills-Otero, 2016). Los partidos conservadores de diferentes países sufrieron un proceso de desapego por parte de su electorado, tras reformas neoliberales que, en muchos casos, desmejoraron las condiciones de vida de los ciudadanos. Votantes y partidos se desconectaron. Colombia no fue ajena a ese problema. Los partidos tradicionales decayeron electoralmente desde la promulgación de la carta política aperturista de 1991. En años recientes, un nuevo partido de ideología de derecha, el Centro Democrático (CD), bajo la dirección del expresidente Álvaro Uribe, ha logrado conquistar a importantes sectores del electorado. ¿Cuáles han sido los factores determinantes de este éxito electoral reciente? Nuestro análisis de los datos a nivel municipal de las dos últimas elecciones nacionales sugiere que el CD ha sabido atraer de manera distintiva a los votantes de los municipios del país donde el tradicional Partido Conservador ejerció su dominio durante gran parte del siglo veinte.Since the early 1990s, a significant percentage of traditional political parties in Latin America have declined in political and electoral power (Wills-Otero, 2016). Conservative parties in different countries suffered a process of disaffection on the part of their electorate, following neoliberal reforms that, in many cases, worsened the living conditions of citizens. Voters and parties became disconnected. Colombia was no stranger to this problem. Traditional parties have declined electorally since the enactment of the 1991 constitution that opened the political arena. In recent years, a new right-wing party, the Centro Democrático (CD), under the leadership of former President Álvaro Uribe, has managed to win over important sectors of the electorate. What have been the determinants in this recent electoral success? Our analysis of municipal-level data from the last two national elections suggests that the CD has been able to appeal in a distinctive way to voters in the nation's municipalities where the traditional Conservative Party held sway for much of the twentieth century

Elecciones presidenciales y legislativas en Colombia en 2022

Objetivo/contexto: este artículo introductorio al dosier sobre las elecciones legislativas y presidenciales de 2022 de Colombia Internacional busca describir rasgos importantes de la campaña electoral de ese año, así como presentar la configuración del sistema de partidos a partir de los resultados tanto de las elecciones legislativas como de las presidenciales. Lo anterior con el objetivo de ofrecer un contexto general de las elecciones nacionales, en complemento con los aportes y hallazgos específicos de los artículos que componen este número. Metodología: se propone una lectura de los resultados electorales de 2022 con base en algunos datos e índices electorales y en una mirada cualitativa de lo sucedido en esos comicios, y la relación que ello puede tener con las elecciones territoriales de 2023. Conclusiones: se ofrecen algunas reflexiones en torno al posible impacto de la composición de fuerzas en las elecciones nacionales sobre las elecciones locales, y a las relaciones Ejecutivo-Legislativo producto de la nueva configuración del sistema de partidos y la puesta en práctica del Estatuto de la Oposición. Originalidad: este número presenta lecturas de las elecciones que hacen énfasis en el comportamiento político de los ciudadanos y se alejan del acento tradicional en los partidos políticos.Objective/context: This introductory article to the dossier on Legislative and Presidential Elections 2022 of Colombia Internacional seeks to describe important features of the 2022 electoral campaign, as well as present the configuration of the party system based on the results of both legislative and presidential elections. The goal is to provide a general context of national elections, complementing the specific contributions and findings of the articles that make up this issue. Methodology: This article proposes a reading of the 2022 election results based on both some electoral data and indices as well as a qualitative look at what happened in those elections and how it may relate to the local elections of 2023. Conclusions: Some reflections are offered on both the possible impact of the composition of forces in national elections on local elections, and on executive-legislative relations resulting from the new configuration of the party system and the implementation of the Opposition Statute. Originality: This issue presents readings of elections that emphasize citizens’ political behavior and move away from traditional emphasis on political parties.Objetivo/contexto: este artigo introdutório do dossiê sobre Eleições legislativas e presidenciais 2022 da Colombia Internacional busca descrever características importantes da campanha eleitoral de 2022, bem como apresentar a configuração do sistema de partidos com base nos resultados tanto das eleições legislativas quanto das presidenciais. O objetivo é fornecer um contexto geral das eleições nacionais, complementando as contribuições e descobertas específicas dos artigos que compõem este número. Metodologia: este artigo propõe uma leitura dos resultados eleitorais de 2022 com base em alguns dados e índices eleitorais, bem como uma visão qualitativa do que aconteceu nessas eleições e como isso pode se relacionar com as eleições territoriais de 2023. Conclusões: são oferecidas algumas reflexões tanto sobre o possível impacto da composição de forças nas eleições nacionais sobre as eleições locais, quanto sobre as relações executivo-legislativo resultantes da nova configuração do sistema de partidos e da implementação do Estatuto da Oposição. Originalidade: este número apresenta leituras das eleições que enfatizam o comportamento político dos cidadãos e se afastam do ênfase tradicional nos partidos políticos

Effects of hospital facilities on patient outcomes after cancer surgery: an international, prospective, observational study

Background Early death after cancer surgery is higher in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs) compared with in high-income countries, yet the impact of facility characteristics on early postoperative outcomes is unknown. The aim of this study was to examine the association between hospital infrastructure, resource availability, and processes on early outcomes after cancer surgery worldwide.Methods A multimethods analysis was performed as part of the GlobalSurg 3 study-a multicentre, international, prospective cohort study of patients who had surgery for breast, colorectal, or gastric cancer. The primary outcomes were 30-day mortality and 30-day major complication rates. Potentially beneficial hospital facilities were identified by variable selection to select those associated with 30-day mortality. Adjusted outcomes were determined using generalised estimating equations to account for patient characteristics and country-income group, with population stratification by hospital.Findings Between April 1, 2018, and April 23, 2019, facility-level data were collected for 9685 patients across 238 hospitals in 66 countries (91 hospitals in 20 high-income countries; 57 hospitals in 19 upper-middle-income countries; and 90 hospitals in 27 low-income to lower-middle-income countries). The availability of five hospital facilities was inversely associated with mortality: ultrasound, CT scanner, critical care unit, opioid analgesia, and oncologist. After adjustment for case-mix and country income group, hospitals with three or fewer of these facilities (62 hospitals, 1294 patients) had higher mortality compared with those with four or five (adjusted odds ratio [OR] 3.85 [95% CI 2.58-5.75]; p<0.0001), with excess mortality predominantly explained by a limited capacity to rescue following the development of major complications (63.0% vs 82.7%; OR 0.35 [0.23-0.53]; p<0.0001). Across LMICs, improvements in hospital facilities would prevent one to three deaths for every 100 patients undergoing surgery for cancer.Interpretation Hospitals with higher levels of infrastructure and resources have better outcomes after cancer surgery, independent of country income. Without urgent strengthening of hospital infrastructure and resources, the reductions in cancer-associated mortality associated with improved access will not be realised

From party systems to party organizations: the adaptation of Latin American parties to changing environments

Review Article: 1. Alcántara Sáez, Manuel (ed.): Politicians and Politics in Latin America, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers 2008. 2. Greene, Kenneth F.: Why Dominant Parties Lose. Mexico's Democratization in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press 2007. 3. Levitsky, Steven: Transforming Labor-based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press 2003. The study of party systems and political parties is one of the largest subfields in political science. Classic studies in advanced democracies focused primarily on party systems and developed theories about the causes and consequences of different types of systems. In recent years, new academic work begun to differentiate parties within systems by understanding their organizational structure, their internal dynamics, the different ways in which they interact with their constituencies, and the strategies that they use to attract voters. Studies show that parties within the same system behave and react differently given their internal conditions. This article reviews three scholarly books that deal with this issue. The works analyze the internal dynamics of Latin American political parties and their capacity to respond and adapt their structures when environmental challenges take place.Review Article: 1. Alcántara Sáez, Manuel (ed.): Politicians and Politics in Latin America, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers 2008. 2. Greene, Kenneth F.: Why Dominant Parties Lose. Mexico’s Democratization in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press 2007. 3. Levitsky, Steven: Transforming Labor-based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press 2003. El estudio de los sistemas de partidos y partidos políticos es una de las áreas más amplias en la ciencia política. Trabajos clásicos llevados a cabo en democracias avanzadas, enfocaron su atención en sistemas de partidos y desarrollaron teorías sobre las causas y consecuencias producidas por diferentes tipos de sistemas. En años recientes, nuevos trabajos académicos empezaron a diferenciar a los partidos dentro de los sistemas estudiando su estructura organizacional, las dinámicas internas, las diferentes maneras en que interactúan con sus representados, y las estrategias que emplean para atraer votantes. Estudios muestran que en un mismo sistema, los partidos se comportan y reaccionan de manera diferente dadas sus propias condiciones internas. Este articulo reseña tres libros que tratan este aspecto. Los trabajos analizan las dinámicas internas de partidos políticos latinoamericanos y su capacidad para responder y adaptar sus estructuras particularmente cuando se presentan cambios en el contexto

La Constitución de 1991 y el Sistema de Partidos Colombiano: dos décadas de reconfiguraciones políticas

En el mes de julio de 2011 se cumplen veinte años de haberse sancionado la Constitución Política de 1991. El aniversario de dos décadas se presenta como una nueva oportunidad para realizar un balance sobre los resultados que se han producido a lo largo de este tiempo en diferentes ámbitos del régimen político. En el presente artículo, se desarrolla una breve reflexión sobre la evolución, las transformaciones, y las reconfiguraciones que ha sufrido el sistema de partidos en este período. Como veremos, la nueva carta introdujo medidas dirigidas a lograr una mejor representación de los intereses públicos, a través de la apertura de espacios políticos. Este propósito se encaminó a partir del diseño de reglas que facilitaran la creación y puesta en funcionamiento de organizaciones diferentes a los partidos tradicionales