The humor of the obscenity in the fragments of Sophron

Entre los fragmentos conservados del mimo de Sofrón hay un número considerable que presenta alusiones más o menos claras a la obscenidad. Ahora bien, el uso que observamos de este mecanismo cómico siempre está supeditado a los chistes y juegos de palabras, nunca se hace de manera explícita y directa. El propósito de este artículo es, por tanto, apuntar una nueva interpretación a algunos de los fragmentos y, al mismo tiempo, ofrecer una visión de conjunto de lo que pudo ser el tratamiento de este aspecto de la comicidad por parte del mimógrafo Siracusano.Among the surviving fragments of Sophron’s mime there is a considerable number of examples in which there are more or less clear allusions to obscenity. The use of this comical mechanism is always subject to jokes and puns; it is never made explicitly and directly. The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to offer a new interpretation of some of the fragments and to provide an overview to what could be the treatment of this aspect of comedy by the sicilian mimographer.España. Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación FFI 2008-0172

Las magas de Sofrón en el papiro PSI 1214 A

The fragment 4 A K.-A. of Sophron in the papyrus PSI 1214 is the longest passage of mimographer preserved, and, therefore, one of the main sources to his work. It seems to relate to the intermediate stage of a magic-religious ritual with apotropaic purposes. However, when we compare it to other ceremonies of that kind, we can see that in its execution the officiant makes a series of linguistic errors of various types that show his imposture. The aim of this paper is twofold, on the one hand, to analyze these elements that reveal the fraud of the alleged sorcerer by looking at them for the comical and satirical nature of the text and, on the other hand, to place the fragment within the work of the mimographer, concluding that it seems to belong to the female mime Ταὶ γυναῖκες αἵ τὰν θεόνφαντι ἐξελᾶν, as it is normally assumed.El fragmento 4 A K.-A. de Sofrón –contenido en el papiro PSI 1214– es el pasaje más largo conservado del mimógrafo, y, por tanto, una de las fuentes principales para conocer su obra. En él parece relatarse la fase intermedia de un ritual mágico-religioso con fines apotropaicos. Ahora bien, si lo comparamos con otras ceremonias mágicas del mismo tipo, se puede apreciar que, en el transcurso del mismo, el oficiante comete una serie de errores lingüísticos de diversa índole que delatan su impostura. El objetivo de este artículo es doble, por un lado, analizar esos elementos que revelan la superchería del supuesto hechicero, buscando en ellos la naturaleza cómica y satírica del texto y, por otro, situar el fragmento dentro de la obra del mimógrafo, concluyendo que debe pertenecer al mimo femenino Ταὶ γυναῖκες αἵ τὰν θεόν φαντι ἐξελᾶν, como normalmente se viene suponiendo

IG II2 1623, 276-285. Athens versus Pirates : between Recovery, Need and Patriotism

Scholars have usually understood the epigraphical evidence for an Athenian naval mission led by Diotimos as an example of the treaties in the framework of the Corinthian League and Athens' role as guarantor of security on the seas. Nevertheless, a close look at the main characters involved in the inscription and the mission of Diotimos, as well as to the historical context and the rise of the Macedonian hegemony, seems to allow a new interpretation of the evidence, in order to shed some light on the nature of Diotimos' mission

Cassius longinus, fr. 42.75 P.-B. A grammarian called odysseus or a textual error?: A proposal for correction [Casio Longino, fr. 42.75 P.-B..Un gramatico llamado Odiseo o un error textual?: Una propuesta de correccion]

The 3th century grammarian Cassius Longinus in his introduction to the commentary to Hephaestion’s On Metre (Ἐγχειρίδιον περὶ μέτρων) mentions a writer on meter named Odysseus (Ὀδυσσεὺς ὁ μετρικός), who is not known in any other source. This paper aims to identify this author and give a satisfactory explanation to his mention by Longinus. However, the peculiarity of the name, which is not attested as anthroponym out of the epic genre, and its notice in Longinus, who in his commentary only quotes technical authors used as direct sources, have led us to propose a textual correction, Διονύσιος ὁ μουσικός, which, as I shall try to prove, is paleographically plausible and consistent from the point of view of the identification

A propósito de la métrica de las Crestomatías de Heladio de Antínoe y su repercusión en la interpretación de la obra

According to Orion (5th century) and Photius (9th century), Chrestomathiae, the work of fourth-century Egyptian author Helladius of Antinoe, included some sections in iambic metre. Modern criticism, however, has assumed this metre for the whole work. This article aims to demonstrate that a literal reading of the sources indicates that they limit the use of iambus to the preface. As for the form of the rest of the work, certain evidences, both indicated by the sources and contained in it, lead us to think that it was written in prose. Finally, taking into account the content of the work and its formal structure, we try to place Helladius and his Chrestomathiae within the history of Greek literature.De acuerdo con Orión (s. V) y Focio (s. IX), la obra del autor egipcio del s. IV Heladio de Antínoe titulada Crestomatías presentaba una composición yámbica en alguna de sus partes. La crítica moderna, sin embargo, ha extendido este tipo de metro a toda la obra. En este artículo intentaremos demostrar que una lectura literal de las fuentes indica que estas circunscriben el uso de los yambos únicamente al prefacio. En cuanto a la forma del resto de la obra, determinados indicios, tanto señalados por las fuentes como contenidos en ella, nos llevan a pensar que estaba redactado en prosa. Finalmente, teniendo en cuenta el contenido de la obra y su estructura formal, intentaremos situar a Heladio y sus Crestomatías dentro de la historia de la literatura griega

Las magas de Sofrón en el papiro PSI 1214 A

The fragment 4 A K.-A. of Sophron in the papyrus PSI 1214 is the longest passage of mimographer preserved, and, therefore, one of the main sources to his work. It seems to relate to the intermediate stage of a magic-religious ritual with apotropaic purposes. However, when we compare it to other ceremonies of that kind, we can see that in its execution the officiant makes a series of linguistic errors of various types that show his imposture. The aim of this paper is twofold, on the one hand, to analyze these elements that reveal the fraud of the alleged sorcerer by looking at them for the comical and satirical nature of the text and, on the other hand, to place the fragment within the work of the mimographer, concluding that it seems to belong to the female mime Ταί γυναικες αί τάν θεόν φαντι έξελάν, as it is normally assumed.El fragmento 4 A K.-A. de Sofrón -contenido en el papiro PSI 1214- es el pasaje más largo conservado del mimógrafo, y, por tanto, una de las fuentes principales para conocer su obra. En él parece relatarse la fase intermedia de un ritual mágico-religioso con fines apotropaicos. Ahora bien, si lo comparamos con otras ceremonias mágicas del mismo tipo, se puede apreciar que, en el transcurso del mismo, el oficiante comete una serie de errores lingüísticos de diversa índole que delatan su impostura. El objetivo de este artículo es doble, por un lado, analizar esos elementos que revelan la superchería del supuesto hechicero, buscando en ellos la naturaleza cómica y satírica del texto y, por otro, situar el fragmento dentro de la obra del mimógrafo, concluyendo que debe pertenecer al mimo femenino Ταί γυναικες αί τάν θεόν φαντι έξελάν, como normalmente se viene suponiendo