16 research outputs found
A gyermeknevelĂ©s piaci Ă©s nem-piaci költsĂ©geinek számĂtásba vĂ©tele a mennyisĂ©g-minĹ‘sĂ©g (termĂ©kenysĂ©g-emberi tĹ‘ke) helyettesĂtĂ©si összefĂĽggĂ©s nemzetközi keresztmetszeti elemzĂ©sĂ©ben
The aim of our dissertation is to show how various investments in children are related to fertility in a cross-national comparative context. Following the extended approach of investments in child quality, we consider quality as produced not only by market goods and services, but by inputs of time as well. By giving a comprehensive estimation on the value of household production and its consumption by age, we quantify the value of time devoted to childcare and other household services provided by mostly parents and grandparents at home and consumed by children. Moreover, we integrate the time costs of childbearing with the private and public market expenditure on children. Our measures are based on the National Transfer Accounts (NTA), which disaggregate national accounts by age; as extended by the National Time Transfer Accounts (NTTA), which estimate the same quantities for household production activities using time use surveys. Total investment per child and a narrower concept of human capital investment per child are quantified that include expenditure on education and health as well as the value of childcare provided at home. We calculate the child quality proxies in cross-sections for 25 countries across the globe and analyze their relation with fertility across the countries. Our estimations demonstrate that the main beneficiaries of household goods and services are children. The value of time children receive approximates (in some countries even exceeds) the market resources they are given. The results give empirical evidence on the quantityquality tradeoff, since there is a significant negative association between fertility and investments per child. We also show that once childcare provided at home is incorporated, the relation between quantity and quality is more robust. Furthermore, the findings also indicate that the quantity-quality tradeoff operates via both the market and nonmarket channels
The Broken Generational Contract in Europe: Generous transfers to the elderly population, low investments in children
Based on European National Transfer Accounts data from 2010, this paper quantifies and evaluates the balance of intergenerational transfer flows in 16 EU countries, including transfers in the form of unpaid household work. On average, the value of net transfers received by a child amounts to sixteen times the labour income of a full-time worker, and the net transfers received by an elderly person to six times the labour income of a full-time worker. Intergenerational transfers can be regarded as the reciprocal exchange between two generations: the size of the transfers to the child generation determines their potential to generate income and finance public transfers to the elderly population once they enter employment. We develop and calculate an indicator to analyse if there is a balance between transfers to children and transfers expected by the elderly population. The results indicate that in most of the analysed countries the human capital investments in children are far too low to finance the generous transfers to the elderly population in the future
A láthatatlan transzferek korprofilja
A fogyasztás finanszĂrozásának intĂ©zmĂ©nyi összetĂ©tele az Ă©letciklus kĂ©t eltartotti szakaszában – gyermekkorban Ă©s idĹ‘skorban – eltĂ©rĹ‘. Sarkosan fogalmazva: a gyermekeket a szĂĽleik nevelik fel, az idĹ‘sek pedig a társadalomra támaszkodnak. Tekintve, hogy az erĹ‘források háztartásokon belĂĽli Ă©s háztartások közötti elosztását a nemzeti számlák nem rögzĂtik, a gyermekekre fordĂtott erĹ‘források többsĂ©ge nem láthatĂł, szemben az idĹ‘seknek juttatott forrásokkal, amelyek viszont szinte teljes egĂ©szĂĽkben megjelennek a nyilvános statisztikákban. ElemzĂ©sĂĽnkben a nemzeti számlák egy Ăşj ágát, a nemzeti transzferszámlákat – amelyek felölelik a háztartásokon belĂĽli Ă©s a háztartások közötti magántranszfereket –, továbbá ennek kĂsĂ©rleti jelleggel kiterjesztett változatát, a nemzeti idĹ‘transzferszámlát alkalmazzuk. UtĂłbbi a nem fizetett háztartási munkára szánt idĹ‘ Ă©rtĂ©kĂ©t számszerűsĂti, Ă©s megbecsli annak mĂ©rtĂ©kĂ©t, hogy az egyes korosztályokhoz tartozĂł családtagok milyen Ă©rtĂ©kű munkát vĂ©geznek a más korosztályokhoz tartozĂł családtagok javára.*
Journal of Economic Literature (JEL) kĂłd: D13, E01, H55, H83, J13, J14
Household production and consumption over the life cycle: National Time Transfer Accounts in 14 European countries
Background: While the importance of unpaid household labour is recognised in total economic output, little is known about the demographics of household production and consumption. Objective: Our goal is to give a comprehensive estimation on the value of household production and its consumption by age and gender and analyse nonmarket economic transfers in 14 European countries based on publicly available harmonised data. Methods: We introduce a novel imputation method of harmonised European time use (HETUS) data to the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) in order to assign time spent on home production to consumers in households and estimate time transfers. Moreover, monetary values are attributed to household production activities using data on earnings from the Structure of Earnings Survey (SES). Results: We show that the nonmarket economic life cycle of men differs from that of women. The gender gap in household production is not evenly distributed over the life cycle. Women of working age contribute the most in net terms, while the main beneficiaries of household goods and services are children and to a lesser extent adult men. These patterns are similar across countries, with variations in the gender- and age-specific levels of home production and consumption. Conclusions: In Europe, in the national economy, intergenerational flows are important in sustaining both childhood and old age. In contrast, in the household economy, intergenerational transfers flow mostly towards children. Contribution: We add a new focus to the research on household production: While keeping the gender aspect, we demonstrate the importance of the life cycle component in household production
The Broken Generational Contract in Europe: Generous transfers to the elderly population, low investments in children
Based on European National Transfer Accounts data from 2010, this paper quantifies and evaluates the balance of intergenerational transfer flows in 16 EU countries, including transfers in the form of unpaid household work. On average, the value of net transfers received by a child amounts to sixteen times the labour income of a full-time worker, and the net transfers received by an elderly person to six times the labour income of a full-time worker. Intergenerational transfers can be regarded as the reciprocal exchange between two generations: the size of the transfers to the child generation determines their potential to generate income and finance public transfers to the elderly population once they enter employment. We develop and calculate an indicator to analyse if there is a balance between transfers to children and transfers expected by the elderly population. The results indicate that in most of the analysed countries the human capital investments in children are far too low to finance the generous transfers to the elderly population in the future
Contact among roma and non-roma students - a case study in an elementary school in Budapest
INST: L_11
Pro-elderly welfare states within pro-child societies : Incorporating family cash and time into intergenerational transfers analysis
Households and welfare states both serve as vehicles of lifecycle financing through intergenerational transfers. Working-age people are net contributors, children and the elderly are net beneficiaries. However, there is a marked asymmetry in the socialization of intergenerational transfers. Working-age people pay taxes and social security contributions to care for the elderly as a generation, but they individually spend cash and contribute time to raise their own children. This results in asymmetric visibility of intergenerational transfers. Resources flowing to the elderly are near-fully observed in National Accounts (NA), but inter- and intra-household transfers are not registered there. Using data for ten European countries representing 70 percent of the population of the EU, we employ National Transfer Accounts (NTA) to include private transfers as well. In addition, as an extension of NTA, we use National Time Transfer Accounts (NTTA) to quantify the value of time transferred within and between households in the form of unpaid labor. Only a fifth of all resource transfers to children is registered in NA; another third is made visible by NTA, but nearly half is made visible only by NTTA. Contrary to much perceived wisdom, once intra-familial transfers of cash and time are incorporated, European societies transfer more resources to children than to the elderly.19 p
Pro-elderly welfare states within pro-child societies : Incorporating family cash and time into intergenerational transfers analysis
Pro-elderly welfare states within child-oriented societies
<p>Families and policies both are main vehicles of intergenerational transfers. Working-age people are net contributors; children and older persons net beneficiaries. However, there is an asymmetry in socialization. Working-age people pay taxes and social security contributions to institutionalize care for older persons as a generation, but invest private resources to raise their own children, often with large <i>social</i> returns. This results in asymmetric statistical visibility. Elderly transfers are near-fully observed in National Accounts; those to children much less. Analysing ten European societies, we employ National Transfer Accounts to include public and private transfers, and National Time Transfer Accounts to value unpaid household labour. All three transfer channels combined, children receive more than twice as many per-capita resources as older persons. Europe is a continent of elderly-oriented welfare states and strongly child-oriented parents. Since children are ever-scarcer public goods in aging societies, why has investment in them not been socialized <i>more</i>?</p