4 research outputs found

    Different frequencies of RIP among early vs. late ascospores of Neurospora crassa

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    We have noticed that the frequency of RIP can be quite variable, even in crosses of the same strains. One possible source of variability is the time at which ascospores are harvested. We reasoned that the earliest ascospores shot from a perithecium might contain DNA that went through relatively few mitotic divisions in pre-meiosis. RIP occurs between fertilization and premeiotic DNA synthesis (Selker et al. 1987 Cell 51:741-752). Thus, early spores might have less exposure to RIP than late spores. Since all ascospores from a perithecium are thought to arise from a single fertilization event, a minimum of 7- 10 divisions are required to account for the number of ascospores normally produced (Perkins and Barry, 1977 Adv. Genet. 211:541-544). It is likely, however, that some ascospore lineages contain fewer divisions than others

    “Come on Baby. You Know I Love You”: African American Women’s Experiences of Communication with Male Partners and Disclosure in the Context of Unwanted Sex

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    We examined African American women's experiences of communication with their male intimate partners a couple of hours before and after an incident of unwanted sex. We also examined women's experiences of disclosure following an incident of unwanted sex. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with a community-based sample of sexually active African American women (n=19) reporting at least one incident of sexual coercion (i.e., being pressured into unwanted sex without consent) by an intimate male partner since the age of 18. Our analysis was guided by “the sexual division of power” from the Theory of Gender and Power. Data were analyzed inductively by examining the interviews for common themes in the following domains: communication before the unwanted sex, communication after the unwanted sex, and disclosure to others. Men pressured partners for unwanted sex through verbal and nonverbal tactics, ranging from pestering and blunt requests for sex to verbal bullying and violence. Many women responded by clearly saying no. However, many women also described eventually ceasing to resist their partners and engaging in unwanted sex. After the unwanted sex, men actively and passively avoided discussing the incident. Although many women discussed the unwanted sex with family and friends, less women disclosed to trained professionals. In some cases, women did not discuss the incident with anyone at all. These findings indicate that, when addressing sexual violence against women, there is a need to target men as well as the norms of masculinity that underpin physical and sexual violence against women

    Engendering healthy masculinities to prevent sexual violence: Rationale for and design of the Manhood 2.0 trial

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