Alpha-decay Rates of Yb and Gd in Solar Neutrino Detectors

The $\alpha$-decay rates for the nuclides $^{168,170,171,172,173,174,176}$Yb and $^{148,150,152,154}$Gd have been estimated from transmission probabilities in a systematic $\alpha$-nucleus potential and from an improved fit to $\alpha$-decay rates in the rare-earth mass region. Whereas ${\alpha}$-decay of $^{152}$Gd in natural gadolinium is a severe obstacle for the use of gadolinium as a low-energy solar-neutrino detector, we show that ${\alpha}$-decay does not contribute significantly to the background in a ytterbium detector. An extremely long ${\alpha}$-decay lifetime of $^{168}$Yb is obtained from calculation, which may be close to the sensitivity limit in a low-background solar neutrino detector.Comment: 12 pages, 1 figure; An author name was correcte

On the alpha activity of natural tungsten isotopes

The indication for the alpha decay of 180-W with a half-life T1/2=1.1+0.8-0.4(stat)+-0.3(syst)x10^18 yr has been observed for the first time with the help of the super-low background 116-CdWO_4 crystal scintillators. In conservative approach the lower limit on half-life of 180-W has been established as T1/2>0.7x10^18 yr at 90% C.L. Besides, new T1/2 bounds were set for alpha decay of 182-W, 183-W, 184-W and 186-W at the level of 10^20 yr.Comment: 16 pages, 8 figures, accepted in Phys. Rev.

Basic kinetic wealth-exchange models: common features and open problems

We review the basic kinetic wealth-exchange models of Angle [J. Angle, Social Forces 65 (1986) 293; J. Math. Sociol. 26 (2002) 217], Bennati [E. Bennati, Rivista Internazionale di Scienze Economiche e Commerciali 35 (1988) 735], Chakraborti and Chakrabarti [A. Chakraborti, B. K. Chakrabarti, Eur. Phys. J. B 17 (2000) 167], and of Dragulescu and Yakovenko [A. Dragulescu, V. M. Yakovenko, Eur. Phys. J. B 17 (2000) 723]. Analytical fitting forms for the equilibrium wealth distributions are proposed. The influence of heterogeneity is investigated, the appearance of the fat tail in the wealth distribution and the relaxation to equilibrium are discussed. A unified reformulation of the models considered is suggested.Comment: Updated version; 9 pages, 5 figures, 2 table

The effects of district magnitude and social diversity on party system fragmentation in majoritarian systems

Cross-national models of party system fragmentation hold that social diversity and district magnitude interact: higher levels of district magnitude allow for greater expression of social diversity that leads to higher levels of party system fragmentation. Most models, however, ignore differences between majoritarian and proportional electoral rules, which may significantly alter the impact of district magnitude, as well as the way in which district magnitude impacts the translation of social cleavages into party system fragmentation. Examining the case of Singapore suggests majoritarian multimember districts limit party system fragmentation, particularly by reducing the degree to which ethnic and religious diversity are translated into political parties. Applying these insights to a standard cross-national model of party system fragmentation, the results suggest that majoritarian multimember districts produce lower levels of party system fragmentation than proportional multimember districts.

CENP-A and topoisomerase-II antagonistically affect chromosome length

The size of mitotic chromosomes is coordinated with cell size in a manner dependent on nuclear trafficking. In this study, we conducted an RNA interference screen of the Caenorhabditis elegans nucleome in a strain carrying an exceptionally long chromosome and identified the centromere-specific histone H3 variant CENP-A and the DNA decatenizing enzyme topoisomerase-II (topo-II) as candidate modulators of chromosome size. In the holocentric organism C. elegans , CENP-A is positioned periodically along the entire length of chromosomes, and in mitosis, these genomic regions come together linearly to form the base of kinetochores. We show that CENP-A protein levels decreased through development coinciding with chromosome-size scaling. Partial loss of CENP-A protein resulted in shorter mitotic chromosomes, consistent with a role in setting chromosome length. Conversely, topo-II levels were unchanged through early development, and partial topo-II depletion led to longer chromosomes. Topo-II localized to the perimeter of mitotic chromosomes, excluded from the centromere regions, and depletion of topo-II did not change CENP-A levels. We propose that self-assembly of centromeric chromatin into an extended linear array promotes elongation of the chromosome, whereas topo-II promotes chromosome-length shortening

But Not Both:The Exclusive Disjunction in Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA)

The application of Boolean logic using Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) is becoming more frequent in political science but is still in its relative infancy. Boolean ‘AND’ and ‘OR’ are used to express and simplify combinations of necessary and sufficient conditions. This paper draws out a distinction overlooked by the QCA literature: the difference between inclusive- and exclusive-or (OR and XOR). It demonstrates that many scholars who have used the Boolean OR in fact mean XOR, discusses the implications of this confusion and explains the applications of XOR to QCA. Although XOR can be expressed in terms of OR and AND, explicit use of XOR has several advantages: it mirrors natural language closely, extends our understanding of equifinality and deals with mutually exclusive clusters of sufficiency conditions. XOR deserves explicit treatment within QCA because it emphasizes precisely the values that make QCA attractive to political scientists: contextualization, confounding variables, and multiple and conjunctural causation

Patterns of democracy: Coalition governance and majoritarian modification in the United Kingdom, 2010–2015

The UK is often regarded as the archetype of Westminster democracy and as the empirical antithesis of the power-sharing coalitions of Western Europe. Yet, in recent years a different account has emerged that focuses on the subtler institutional dynamics which limit the executive. It is to this body of scholarship that this article responds, locating the recent chapter of coalition government within the wider context of the UK’s democratic evolution. To do so, the article draws Lijphart’s two-dimensional typology of democracies, developing a refined framework that enables systematic comparison over time. The article demonstrates that between over the course of the 2010-15 Parliament, the UK underwent another period of majoritarian modification, driven by factors including the long-term influence of the constitutional forces unleashed under Labour and the short-term impact of coalition management. The article makes several important contributions, salient in the UK and beyond. Theoretically, it offers a critical rejoinder to debates regarding the relationship between institutional design and democratic performance. Methodologically, it demonstrates that the tools of large-scale comparison can be effectively scaled-down to facilitate withincase analysis. Empirically, it provides a series of conclusions regarding the tenability of the UK’s extant democratic architecture under the weight of pressures to which it continues to be subject