More and More Restrictive-But Not Always Populist: Explaining Variation in the British Conservative Party's Stance on Immigration and Asylum

This is the Author's Accepted Manuscript of an article published in the Journal of Contemporary European Studies Vol. 21, Iss. 1, copyright Taylor & Francis 2013, available online at: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/14782804.2013.766474Centre-right parties are commonly inclined towards appeals and policies on immigration that are both restrictive in nature and populist in tone-in part because this is what they believe in, in part because it affords them an electoral advantage over their rivals on the centre-left. One would expect, however, that the extent to which they focus on immigration and asylum will vary according to public opinion, according to who leads them, and according to whether they are in government or in opposition. This would appear to be the case for the British Conservative Party, but the relationship is not an entirely consistent one. Moreover, while the Party has, for half a century, pursued ever more restrictive policies, the extent to which it has couched its approach in populist rhetoric varies considerably over time-and not always in line with the severity of its stance on immigration. The reason for this lies partly in the social and economic liberalism of some of its leaders (and in their related concern to act 'responsibly' on race and immigration) but also in their anxiety not to alienate key sections of the middle classes who must be persuaded to support the Party if it is to win elections. These considerations are likely to weigh heavily with other centre-right parties, too. © 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

Characterization of methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus isolates from apparently healthy individuals in Malete, Kwara state, Nigeria

Background: Methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) is a common and continuously growing cause of nosocomial and community-acquired staphylococcal infections around the world. Screening for colonization with MRSA is a major aspect of control and limiting the spread of infections cause by this organism. We investigated the carriage of MRSA among apparently healthy individuals in four rural villages: Eleburu, Tapa, Atere and Apo all around semi-urban town-Malete, in Moro Local Government of Kwara State, Nigeria.Methods: Nasal swabs were collected from volunteered individuals and were cultured on mannitol salt agar and blood agar for isolation and identification of Staph aureus using standard microbiological techniques. Susceptibility to cefoxitin disc (30 ag) was used to determine MRSA status of the isolates. Molecular method was used to detect the gene responsible for resistance among MRSA isolates. Antimicrobial susceptibility test to commonly prescribed antibiotics was carried out using discs diffusion method.Results: Total number of individuals carrying Staph aureus in their nostrils was 42 (37.2 %). Antibiotics susceptibility profile of Staph aureus isolates showed 100 % resistance to cefuroxime, cefotaxime, cloxacillin and augmentin, and were 87 %, 81 %, 69 % and 23.8 % and 19 % resistant to tetracycline, ceftriaxone, erythromycin, ofloxacin and gentamicin respectively. A total of 6 (14%) Community –Acquired MRSA (CA-MRSA) isolates were recovered from individuals living in these villages. Molecular method detected muc and mecA genes in all the 6 (100%) CA-MRSA isolates and lukS-lukF was detected in 3 (50%) of the isolates.Conclusion: Detection of CA-MRSA strains among these rural dweller indicates that they are harbouring enhance virulence organism that may manifest a more severe disease condition. The danger associated with high prevalence of multidrug resistant Staph aureus and CAMRSA; and its consequential effects of poor drug administration in Nigeria was discussed. There is need to establish a more strict legislation and enforcement on drug control; and a body that would monitor production and appropriate use of antibiotics in the Nigeria.KEYWORDS: CA-MRSA, Staph aureus, Antibiotics, Rural Villages and Molecular Characterizatio

Investigation of the magnetic field characteristics of Herbig Ae/Be stars: Discovery of the pre-main sequence progenitors of the magnetic Ap/Bp stars

We are investigating the magnetic characteristics of pre-main sequence Herbig Ae/Be stars, with the aim of (1) understanding the origin and evolution of magnetism in intermediate-mass stars, and (2) exploring the influence of magnetic fields on accretion, rotation and mass-loss at the early stages of evolution of A, B and O stars. We have begun by conducting 2 large surveys of Herbig Ae/Be stars, searching for direct evidence of photospheric magnetic fields via the longitudinal Zeeman effect. From observations obtained using FORS1 at the ESO-VLT and ESPaDOnS at the Canada-France-Hawaii Telescope, we report the confirmed detection of magnetic fields in 4 pre-main sequence A- and B-type stars, and the apparent (but as yet unconfirmed) detection of fields in 2 other such stars. We do not confirm the detection of magnetic fields in several stars reported by other authors to be magnetic: HD 139614, HD 144432 or HD 31649. One of the most evolved stars in the detected sample, HD 72106A, shows clear evidence of strong photospheric chemical peculiarity, whereas many of the other (less evolved) stars do not. The magnetic fields that we detect appear to have surface intensities of order 1 kG, seem to be structured on global scales, and appear in about 10% of the stars studied. Based on these properties, these magnetic stars appear to be pre-main sequence progenitors of the magnetic Ap/Bp stars.Comment: v2: Include comment regarding publication source To appear in the proceedings of "Solar Polarisation 4", held in Boulder, USA, Sept. 200

From ‘greenest government ever’ to ‘get rid of all the green crap’: David Cameron, the Conservatives and the environment

The environment was David Cameron’s signature issue underpinning his modernization agenda. In opposition the ‘Vote Blue, Go Green’ strategy had a positive impact on the party’s image: the environment operated as a valence issue in a period of raised public concern, particularly about climate change, and Cameron’s high-profile support contributed to the cross-party consensus that delivered radical change in climate policy. Although the Coalition government has implemented important environmental measures, the Conservatives have not enhanced their green credentials in government and Cameron has failed to provide strong leadership on the issue. Since 2010, climate change has to some extent been transformed into a positional issue. Conservative MPs, urged on by the right-wing press, have adopted an increasingly partisan approach to climate change, and opinion polls reveal clear partisan divisions on climate change amongst public opinion. As a positional issue climate change has become challenging for the Conservatives, showing them to be internally divided, rebellious and inclined to support producer interests. This article makes a contribution to our understanding of Conservative modernization, while also challenging the dominant assumption in the scholarly literature that the environment, particularly climate change, is a valence issue

Anisotropy of Solar Wind Turbulence in the Inner Heliosphere at Kinetic Scales: PSP Observations

The anisotropy of solar wind turbulence is a critical issue in understanding the physics of energy transfer between scales and energy conversion between fields and particles in the heliosphere. Using the measurement of Parker Solar Probe (PSP), we present an observation of the anisotropy at kinetic scales in the slow, Alfvénic, solar wind in the inner heliosphere. The magnetic compressibility behaves as expected for kinetic Alfvénic turbulence below the ion scale. A steepened transition range is found between the inertial and kinetic ranges in all directions with respect to the local background magnetic field direction. The anisotropy of k⊥ Gt k∥ is found evident in both transition and kinetic ranges, with the power anisotropy P⊥/P∥ > 10 in the kinetic range leading over that in the transition range and being stronger than that at 1 au. The spectral index varies from αt∥ = −5.7 ± 1.0 to αt⊥ = −3.7 ± 0.3 in the transition range and αk∥ = −3.12 ± 0.22 to αk⊥ = −2.57 ± 0.09 in the kinetic range. The corresponding wavevector anisotropy has the scaling of ${k}_{\parallel }\sim {k}_{\perp }^{0.71\pm 0.17}$ in the transition range, and changes to ${k}_{\parallel }\sim {k}_{\perp }^{0.38\pm 0.09}$ in the kinetic range, consistent with the kinetic Alfvénic turbulence at sub-ion scales

Jography: Exploring meanings, experiences and spatialities of recreational road-running

Jogging is a relatively under-researched mobile practice with much existing literature focusing on ‘serious’ and competitive running. In this paper, we provide an account of some of the movements, meanings and experiences that together help produce the practice of jogging in the south-western English city of Plymouth. Drawing upon participant diaries and interviews, we uncover rich detail about how joggers ascribe not one but a number of meanings to their practice. Some of these are positive, some are negative; some complement each other and some compete with each other. We also consider how the experiences of joggers can be shaped by their ongoing need to develop tactics capable of enabling them to negotiate space with non-joggers. This is in some contrast to more competitive running that occurs in the separated space of an athletics track. Our sense is that better awareness of the meanings and experiences of jogging will be of value if the advertised health and sustainability benefits of the practice are to be more effectively encouraged and promoted

The British Labour Party’s leadership election of 2015

This article examines the British Labour Party’s leadership election of 2015 , which resulted in the unexpected victory of the radical-left candidate, Jeremy Corbyn. It looks at the contest using Stark’s academic model of leadership elections, based on the tripod of selection criteria acceptability, electability and competence, and finds it wanting. Selection rules, which are downplayed in Stark’s model, are then examined, as Labour used a new selection system based on one-member-one-vote in 2015. While these are found to have had some impact, Corbyn’s victory cannot be explained primarily by institutions. The article reconsiders Stark’s model and shows that it failed because of the diminished significance of electability as a selection criterion in the Labour leadership contest of 2015. That largely reflected the circumstances in which the contest took place, in the aftermath of a demoralising election defeat for Labour. </jats:p

The Conservatives and the Union: The 'New English Toryism' and the Origins of Anglo-Britishness

The Union has for over a century been one of the cornerstones of Conservative politics, but with the changes to the old union state in the last 20 years, its value has been increasingly questioned. While the Conservative Party remains committed to maintaining the Union, a new English Toryism is emerging, which has a strong continuity with an older English Toryism which was partially buried by the ascendancy of Unionism. English Tories have always considered the Union to be desirable, but it comes second in their thinking to the need to protect the sovereignty of the British state, the core of which is England and its traditional institutions. What is new about the contemporary Conservative Party is that there is within it the revival of an English Toryism which is happy to discard the older clothes of Empire and Union once so important to Conservative identity and which is unabashedly English in its focus. For an increasing number of contemporary Conservatives, there no longer seems to be any passion about defending the Union or even of continuing to think about the United Kingdom in Unionist terms

'Who do "they" cheer for?' Cricket, diaspora, hybridity and divided loyalties amongst British Asians

This article explores the relationship between British Asians' sense of nationhood, citizenship, ethnicity and some of their manifestations in relation to sports fandom: specifically in terms of how cricket is used as a means of articulating diasporic British Asian identities. Norman Tebbit's 'cricket test' is at the forefront of this article to tease out the complexities of being British Asian in terms of supporting the English national cricket team. The first part of the article locates Tebbit's 'cricket test' within the wider discourse of multiculturalism. The analysis then moves to focus on the discourse of sports fandom and the concept of 'home team advantage' arguing that sports venues represent significant sites for nationalist and cultural expression due to their connection with national history. The article highlights how supporting 'Anyone but England', thereby rejecting ethnically exclusive notions of 'Englishness' and 'Britishness', continues to be a definer of British Asians' cultural identities. The final section situates these trends within the discourse of hybridity and argues that sporting allegiances are often separate from considerations of national identity and citizenship. Rather than placing British Asians in an either/or situation, viewing British 'Asianness' in hybrid terms enables them to celebrate their traditions and histories, whilst also being proud of their British citizenship. © The Author(s) 2011