Recombination coefficients for O II lines in nebular conditions

We present the results of a calculation of recombination coefficients for O^{2+} + e^- using an intermediate coupling treatment that fully accounts for the dependence of the distribution of population among the ground levels of O^{2+} on electron density and temperature. The calculation is extended down to low electron temperatures where dielectronic recombination arising from Rydberg states converging on the O^{2+} ground levels is an important process. The data, which consist of emission coefficients for 8889 recombination lines and recombination coefficients for the ground and metastable states of O^+ are in Cases A, B and C, and are organised as a function of the electron temperature and number density, as well as wavelength. An interactive fortran 77 data server is also provided as an accessory for mining the line emission coefficients and obtaining Lagrange interpolated values for any choice of the two variables between the explicitly provided values for any set of wavelengths. Some illustrations of the application of the new data to nebular observations are also provided.Comment: 15 pages, 7 figures, 6 table

“Their only power was moral”: The Injured Workers' Movement in Toronto, 1970–1985

In the 1960s, injured workers experienced the pain and suffering associated with their injuries privately, within the confines of their own homes. They protested to the Workmen's Compensation Board (WCB) when they were unsuccessful in getting their claims accepted, when the amount of their awards was less than they believed was justified, or when their pensions for permanent disability were cut or terminated. In the overwhelming majority of instances, however, these were individual acts of resistance. The evolution of individual resistance into collective protest had as its critical nucleus Toronto's post-World-War-II immigrant Italian community. A racialized and highly gendered social movement, the Injured Workers' Movement grew in strength in the late 1970s and early 1980s in response to attempts by the WCB, the Progressive Conservative government, and employers to eliminate lifetime pensions for permanently disabled workers. By so doing, the WCB was taking a fundamental step towards turning workmen's compensation in Ontario into a social assistance, rather than a work-based, social insurance programme. In this historical moment the IWM proved successful, if only temporarily, in restraining the gathering social, economic, and political forces of neo-liberalism. Dans les années 1960, les travailleurs blessés vivaient privément, dans l’intimité de leur foyer, la douleur et la souffrance de leurs blessures. Ils protestaient auprès de la Commission des accidents du travail (CAT) lorsqu’on leur refusait leurs réclamations, lorsque le montant de leur indemnité était en-deçà de celui auquel ils s’estimaient admissibles ou lorsqu’on réduisait leur prestation d’invalidité permanente ou y mettait fin. Mais il s’agissait dans l’immense majorité des cas d’actes de résistance individuels. La transformation de la résistance individuelle en une protestation collective à grande échelle s’est articulée sur la construction d’un mouvement social de la classe ouvrière, le noyau essentiel en étant la communauté immigrante d’origine italienne du Toronto de l’après-Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Un mouvement social racialisé et hautement genré, l’Injured Workers’ Movement (IWM) a gagné en force dans les années 1970 et au début des années 1980 en réaction aux tentatives de la CAT, du gouvernement progressiste conservateur et des employeurs d’éliminer les pensions à vie pour les travailleurs ayant une incapacité permanente. Ce faisant, la CAT franchissait un pas décisif dans la transformation de l’indemnisation des accidents du travail de l’Ontario en un programme d’assistance sociale plutôt qu’en un programme d’assurance sociale fondé sur le travail. Durant ce moment historique, l’IWM a réussi, ne serait-ce que temporairement, à freiner les forces sociales, économiques et politiques grandissantes du néo-libéralisme

Law and Lawyers in a Divided World

Most people, including historians, are concerned almost exclusively with the forms and institutions of government and only incidentally with legal systems. Abrupt and radical changes in political power make headlines in the press. Professor Whitney R. Harris aptly described the condition when he said: Legal systems by contrast are drab and technical, and when changes occur they are seldom recognized as having great significance.” Political systems rise and fall according to the vicissitudes of popular interest and the designs of ambitious men. However, the basic structure of established legal systems usually survives the most violent political storms

Part I; the synthesis and reactions of polyhalogenated heterocyclic compounds containing nitrogen part II: polyhaloalkylation

Not availabl

A step-by-step reappraisal of the irreversible journey from the Balfour Declaration of 1917 to the partition of Palestine in 1947

The central argument of this thesis is that the issuance of the Balfour Declaration and the British Mandate started an irreversible train of events leading 'inevitably' to Partition. Starting first with a critical analysis of the Balfour Declaration and its incorporation into the British Mandate, the thesis explores the reasoning behind Britain’s readiness to issue the Declaration at the height of WWI. It throws fresh light on arguments for and against Partition offered by a range of Commissions, Committees and Governments. The thesis examines the years during which the conflicted parties were increasingly at odds until, on the eve of WWII, Britain reversed its former pro-Zionist policy in favour of Palestinian Arabs. Now the work concentrates on the post-war years when a war-weary Britain acknowledged that the UN should decide. In turn, the UN established the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) hence later chapters consist of a close examination of UNSCOP’s role, its extensive investigations in the Middle East and Europe and interviews with key players from both sides of the divide. The final chapter centres around UNGA members’ political manoeuvrings, temporary realignment, disparate views and the last unavoidable step to Partition. There are two main versions of Arab-Jewish history. First, there is a version claiming that Jews were the primary victims of Arab violence. This traditional version is supported by a number of Zionist historians. The second version claims that Arabs were the hapless victims of a deliberately orchestrated Jewish takeover of Palestine. This version is supported by pro-Palestinian and revisionist Zionist historians. Although previous researchers have explored some of the above events either tangentially in a related area or as part of a broader study, this thesis draws many of its conclusions from a large body of verbatim evidence that had informed Commission and Committee Reports. It should be emphasised that this thesis is a critical, but non-judgmental, analysis of Partition. It concludes that when, in 1947, the UNGA formally approved Partition, it was a legal acknowledgement that Partition was already a near-accomplished fact