Too poor to live? A case study of vulnerability and maternal mortality in Burkina Faso.

This paper examines the concept of vulnerability in the context of maternal morbidity and mortality in Burkina Faso, an impoverished country in West Africa. Drawing on a longitudinal cohort study into the consequences of life-threatening or 'near miss' obstetric complications, we provide an in-depth case study of one woman's experience of such morbidity and its aftermath. We follow Kalizeta's trajectory from her near miss and the stillbirth of her child to her death from pregnancy-related hypertension after a subsequent delivery less than two years later, in order to examine the impact of severe and persistent illness and catastrophic health expenditure on her health and on her family's everyday life. Kalizeta's case illustrates how vulnerability in health emerges and is maintained or exacerbated over time. Even where social arrangements are supportive, structural impediments, including unaffordable and inadequate healthcare, can severely limit individual resilience to mitigate the negative social and economic consequences of ill health

"Lives in the balance": The politics of integration in the Partnership for Maternal, Newborn and Child Health.

A decade ago, the Partnership for Maternal, Newborn and Child Health (PMNCH) was established to combat the growing fragmentation of global health action into uncoordinated, issue-specific efforts. Inspired by dominant global public-private partnerships for health, the PMNCH brought together previously competing advocacy coalitions for safe motherhood and child survival and attracted support from major donors, foundations and professional bodies. Today, its founders highlight its achievements in generating priority for 'MNCH', encouraging integrated health systems thinking and demonstrating the value of collaboration in global health endeavours. Against this dominant discourse on the success of the PMNCH, this article shows that rhetoric in support of partnership and integration often masks continued structural drivers and political dynamics that bias the global health field towards vertical goals. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article examines the Safe Motherhood Initiative's evolution into the PMNCH as a response to the competitive forces shaping the current global health field. Despite many successes, the PMNCH has struggled to resolve historically entrenched programmatic and ideological divisions between the maternal and child health advocacy coalitions. For the Safe Motherhood Initiative, the cost of operating within an extremely competitive policy arena has involved a partial renouncement of ambitions to broader social transformations in favour of narrower, but feasible and 'sellable' interventions. A widespread perception that maternal health remains subordinated to child health even within the Partnership has elicited self-protective responses from the safe motherhood contingent. Ironically, however, such responses may accentuate the kind of fragmentation to global health governance, financing and policy solutions that the Partnership was intended to challenge. The article contributes to the emerging critical ethnographic literature on global health initiatives by highlighting how integration may only be possible with a more radical conceptualization of global health governance

When ethics and politics collide in donor-funded global health research

In this Viewpoint, we share our experience of censorship in evaluation research for global health. Our experience shows a broader trend of donors and implementing partners who deliberately use ethical and methodological arguments to undermine essential research. In a context of chronic underfunding of universities and their growing dependence on donor-driven research grants, we propose several structural and cultural changes to prevent manipulation of research governance systems and to safeguard the independence of research

"Guilty until proven innocent": the contested use of maternal mortality indicators in global health.

The MMR - maternal mortality ratio - has risen from obscurity to become a major global health indicator, even appearing as an indicator of progress towards the global Sustainable Development Goals. This has happened despite intractable challenges relating to the measurement of maternal mortality. Even after three decades of measurement innovation, maternal mortality data are widely presumed to be of poor quality, or, as one leading measurement expert has put it, 'guilty until proven innocent'. This paper explores how and why leading epidemiologists, demographers and statisticians have devoted the better part of the last three decades to producing ever more sophisticated and expensive surveys and mathematical models of globally comparable MMR estimates. The development of better metrics is publicly justified by the need to know which interventions save lives and at what cost. We show, however, that measurement experts' work has also been driven by the need to secure political priority for safe motherhood and by donors' need to justify and monitor the results of investment flows. We explore the many effects and consequences of this measurement work, including the eclipsing of attention to strengthening much-needed national health information systems. We analyse this measurement work in relation to broader political and economic changes affecting the global health field, not least the incursion of neoliberal, business-oriented donors such as the World Bank and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation whose institutional structures have introduced new forms of administrative oversight and accountability that depend on indicators

Health of women after severe obstetric complications in Burkina Faso: a longitudinal study.

BACKGROUND: Little is known about the health of women who survive obstetric complications in poor countries. Our aim was to determine how severe obstetric complications in Burkina Faso affect a range of health, social, and economic indicators in the first year post partum. METHODS: We did a prospective cohort study of women with severe obstetric complications recruited in hospitals when their pregnancy ended with a livebirth (n=199), perinatal death (74), or a lost pregnancy (64). For every woman with severe obstetric complications, two unmatched control women with uncomplicated delivery were sampled in the same hospital (677). All women were followed up for 1 year. FINDINGS: Women with severe obstetric complications were poorer and less educated at baseline than were women with uncomplicated delivery. Women with severe obstetric complications, and their babies, were significantly more likely to die after discharge: six (2%) of the 337 women with severe obstetric complications died within 1 year, compared with none of the women with uncomplicated delivery (unadjusted p=0.001); 17 babies of women with severe obstetric complications died within 1 year, compared with 18 of those born by uncomplicated delivery (hazard ratio for mortality 4.67, 95% CI 1.68-13.04, adjusted for loss to follow-up and confounders; p=0.003). Women with severe obstetric complications were significantly more likely to have experienced depression and anxiety at 3 months (odds ratio 1.82, 95% CI 1.18-2.80), to have experienced suicidal thoughts within the past year at all time points (2.27, 1.33-3.89 at 3 months; 2.30, 1.17-4.50 at 6 months; 2.26, 1.30-3.95 at 12 months), and to report the pregnancy having had a negative effect on their lives at all time points (1.54, 1.04-2.30 at 3 months; 2.30, 1.56-3.39 at 6 months; 2.44, 1.63-3.65 at 12 months) than were women with uncomplicated delivery. INTERPRETATION: Women who give birth with severe obstetric complications are at greater risk of death and mental-health problems than are women with uncomplicated delivery. Greater resources are needed to ensure that these women receive adequate care before and after discharge from hospital

After surgery: the effects of life-saving caesarean sections in Burkina Faso:BMC Pregnancy Childbirth

Background In African countries, caesarean sections are usually performed to save mothers and babies’ lives, sometimes in extremis and at considerable costs. Little is known about the health and lives of women once discharged after such surgery. We investigated the long-term effects of life-saving caesarean section on health, economic and social outcomes in Burkina Faso. Methods We conducted a 4 year prospective cohort study of women and their babies using mixed methods. The quantitative sample was selected in seven hospitals and included 950 women: 100 women with a caesarean section associated with near-miss complication (life-saving caesareans); 173 women with a vaginal birth associated with near-miss complication; and 677 women with uncomplicated vaginal childbirth. Structured interviews were conducted at 3 months, 6 months, 12 months and 3 and 4 years postpartum. These were supplemented by medical record data on delivery and physical examinations at 6 and 12 months postpartum. The lives and experiences of 21 women were documented ethnographically. Data were analysed with multivariable logistic regressions, using survival analysis and thematic analysis. Results The physical effects of life-saving caesareans appeared to be similar to women who had an uncomplicated childbirth, although 55 % of women with life-saving caesareans had another caesarean in their next pregnancy. The negative effects were generally economic, social and reproductive when compared to vaginal births, including increased debts (AOR = 3.91 (1.46–10.48) and sexual violence (AOR = 4.71 (1.04–21.3)) and lower fertility (AOR = 0.44 (0.24–0.80)) 4 years after life-saving caesareans. In the short and medium term, women with life-saving caesareans appeared to suffer increased psychological distress compared to uncomplicated births. They were more likely to use contraceptives (AOR = 5.95 (1.53–23.06); 3 months). Mortality of the index child was increased in both near-miss groups, independent of delivery mode. Ethnographic data suggest that these consequences are significant for Burkinabe women, whose well-being and social standing are mostly determined by their fertility, marriage strength and family links. Conclusions Life-saving caesareans have broad consequences beyond clinical sequelae. The recent policy to subsidise emergency obstetric care costs implemented in Burkina Faso should help avoid the majority of catastrophic costs, shown to be problematic for women undergoing emergency caesarean section

Building the nation's body:The contested role of abortion and family planning in post-war South Sudan

: This paper offers an ethnographic analysis of public health policies and interventions targeting unwanted pregnancy (family planning and abortion) in contemporary South Sudan as part of wider 'nation-building' after war, understood as a process of collective identity formation which projects a meaningful future by redefining existing institutions and customs as national characteristics. The paper shows how the expansion of post-conflict family planning and abortion policy and services are particularly poignant sites for the enactment of reproductive identity negotiation, policing and conflict. In addition to customary norms, these processes are shaped by two powerful institutions - ethnic movements and global humanitarian actors - who tend to take opposing stances on reproductive health. Drawing on document review, observations of the media and policy environment and interviews conducted with 54 key informants between 2013 and 2015, the paper shows that during the civil war, the Sudan People's Liberation Army and Movement mobilised customary pro-natalist ideals for military gain by entreating women to amplify reproduction to replace those lost to war and rejecting family planning and abortion. International donors and the Ministry of Health have re-conceptualised such services as among other modern developments denied by war. The tensions between these competing discourses have given rise to a range of societal responses, including disagreements that erupt in legal battles, heated debate and even violence towards women and health workers. In United Nations camps established recently as parts of South Sudan have returned to war, social groups exert a form of reproductive surveillance, policing reproductive health practices and contributing to intra-communal violence when clandestine use of contraception or abortion is discovered. In a context where modern contraceptives and abortion services are largely unfamiliar, conflict around South Sudan's nation-building project is partially manifest through tensions and violence in the domain of reproduction.<br/

A Chain of Family and Domestic Violence

International audienc

The politics of unsafe abortion in Burkina Faso: the interface of local norms and global public health practice.

In Burkina Faso, abortion is legally restricted and socially stigmatised, but also frequent. Unsafe abortions represent a significant public health challenge, contributing to the country's very high maternal mortality ratio. Inspired by an internationally disseminated public health framing of unsafe abortion, the country's main policy response has been to provide post-abortion care (PAC) to avert deaths from abortion complications. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article describes how Burkina Faso's PAC policy emerged at the interface of political and moral negotiations between public health professionals, national bureaucrats and international agencies and NGOs. Burkinabè decision-makers and doctors, who are often hostile to induced abortion, have been convinced that PAC is 'life-saving care' which should be delivered for ethical medical reasons. Moreover, by supporting PAC they not only demonstrate compliance with international standards but also, importantly, do not have to contend with any change in abortion legislation, which they oppose. Rights-based international NGOs, in turn, tactically focus on PAC as a 'first step' towards their broader institutional objective to secure safe abortion and abortion rights. Such negotiations between national and international actors result in widespread support for PAC but stifled debate about further legalisation of abortion

"Playing the Numbers Game":Evidence-based Advocacy and the Technocratic Narrowing of the Safe Motherhood Initiative

Based on an ethnography of the international Safe Motherhood Initiative (SMI), this article charts the rise of evidence-based advocacy (EBA), a term global-level maternal health advocates have used to indicate the use of scientific evidence to bolster the SMI's authority in the global health arena. EBA represents a shift in the SMI's priorities and tactics over the past two decades, from a call to promote poor women's health on the grounds of feminism and social justice (entailing broad-scale action) to the enumeration of much more narrowly defined practices to avert maternal deaths whose outcomes and cost effectiveness can be measured and evaluated. Though linked to the growth of an audit- and business-oriented ethos, we draw from anthropological theory of global forms to argue that EBA-or "playing the numbers game"-profoundly affects nearly every facet of evidence production, bringing about ambivalent reactions and a contested technocratic narrowing of the SMI's policy agenda