Crossing Disciplinary Borders: Latino/a Studies and Latin American Studies in the 1990s

Over the 30 years of their existence, studies of Latinos/as in the U.S. and the field of Latin American Studies have emerged largely as divided disciplines. That is, despite what would appear to be similar sensibilities including comparable criticisms of Western hegemony and the neocolonial practices of the U.S., as well as the political, economic, and cultural displacement of similar populations, the two areas of study have more often regarded each other as competitive colleagues rather than complimentary practices. In the following study, I examine the nature of the two disciplines paying particular attention to the political context surrounding their formations and the foundations of their discursive frameworks. I examine changes to these disciplines in the methodological and ideological shifts surrounding the emergence of empirical and postmodern studies, and the relationship between these theoretical shifts and the expansion of globalization. Finally, I conclude with a discussion of the emerging field of transnational and bi-national studies and the opportunities for crossing the disciplinary borders between Latino/as studies in the U.S. and Latin American Studies presented in this literature

Conclusion: New Projects and Old Reminders

Globalization and the transnational networks established by economic integration have produced a context in which the gathering of knowledge about Latina/o and Latin American communities is largely devoid of any processual perspective. This means that we must construct an alternative methodology to capture the international and transnational social fields and arenas of this multinational population. Nowhere does this type of dialogue appear more necessary than in studies of immigration from Latin America to the United States. In particular, we maintain that the integration of Latin American and Latina/o studies requires viewing these new waves of migrants as part of a synchronic flow of capital, goods, and resources back and forth between the United States and their countries of origin. We have shown in our discussion of remittances that multiple levels of economic dependency result

Latinas and Electoral Politics: Expanding Participation and Power in State and National Elections

Latina and Latino political participation in the 2012 election reached new heights, proving to be a significant factor in the electoral outcomes of several battleground states and ultimately the reelection of President Obama. Both Latinas and Latinos played pivotal roles in the 2012 election, increasing their share of the national electorate and their support for President Obama over 2008 election levels. In the end, President Obama received 71 percent of the Latina/o vote (compared with 27 percent for Mitt Romney), surpassing all previous presidential candidates with the exception of Bill Clinton, who garnered 72 percent of the Latina/o vote in 1996. In fact, among key demographic groups comprising the Nnew electorate - African Americans, Latinas/os, women, younger voters, and independents - Latinas/os were the only group whose level of turnout and support for Obama substantially surpassed those of the 2008 presidential election. Table 5.1 compares voting in 2008 and 2012 across several demographic groups and demonstrates the growth of Latina/o support for Obama. Ultimately, while President Obama\u27s favorability ratings were affected by a bruising first term, resulting in decreased support among key constituents and whites generally, Latina/o turnout and support for Obama, particularly in Florida, Colorado, New Mexico, and Nevada, were vitally important in overcoming setbacks elsewhere. As one political scientist and pollster put it, for the first time in U.S. history, [the] Latino vote can plausibly claim to be nationally decisive

Latina Political Participation

Contemporary Latinas and Latinos constitute a growing political influence in American politics. Moreover, in 2000 Latinas/Latinos reached a demographic milestone, surpassing African Americans in becoming the largest ethnic minority group in the United States (see Ennis, et al. 2011 and Grieco and Cassidy 2001 under General Overviews). However, despite important political gains made over the past thirty-five years, Latinas and Latinos continue to experience significant structural and resource barriers to their political incorporation, resulting in enduring forms of marginalization for the population. Latinas specifically inherit a long history of political activism dating back to early resistance against US expansion both in Mexico and the Caribbean and encompassing traditional forms of political behavior including voting and holding elective office. However, because their participation has been concentrated in nontraditional and nonelectoral activities, accounts of their leadership and contributions are frequently overlooked if not diminished. This article provides an overview of Latina political participation beginning in the late 19th century, highlighting literature on the two largest populations of Latinas in the United States: Mexican American and Puerto Rican women. Whether organizing immigrant activists in response to restrictive legislation proposed in Congress, providing feminist critiques of leaders in the Chicano movement, or mobilizing voter turnout in key elections, Latinas have always engaged in politics, and their history of participation is central not only to our understanding of racial, ethnic, and gender politics specifically, but American politics generally

Transforming Chicana/o and Latina/o Politics: Globalization, and the Formation of Transnational Resistance in the U.S. and Chiapas

In 1993 Congress passed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), with great anticipation at home and abroad that the newly formed regional alliance between Mexico, the United States, and Canada would increase productivity, reduce inefficiency, and strengthen the states\u27 economies. However, the agreement was not met with universal enthusiasm. Among many of the rural poor, campesinos, working classes, racial minorities, and indigenous populations of all three states, NAFTA\u27s passage signaled an unprecedented move toward globalization and mounting economic pressures (Mander and Goldsmith, 1996). In particular, in Chiapas, Mexico, peasants, campesinos/farmers, and indigenous populations had for some time been under the weight of neoliberal economic strategies intensified by the austerity programs adopted by Carlos Salinas in the 1980s (Collier, 1994; Harvey, 1990). These campesinos and indigenous communities had been notably impacted by privatization and deregulation. In effect, they had seen their own farms and communities displaced and deterritorialized in the move toward regional economic integration and knew that NAFTA\u27s passage would only expedite this process (Kearney, 1996).

Crossing Disciplinary Borders: Re-examining Latino/a Studies and Latin American Studies in the 1990s

Over the 30 years of their existence, studies of Latinos/as in the U.S. and the field of Latin American Studies have emerged largely as divided disciplines. That is, despite what would appear to be similar sensibilities including comparable criticisms of Western hegemony and the neocolonial practices of the U.S., as well as the political, economic, and cultural displacement of similar populations, the two areas of study have more often regarded each other as competitive colleagues rather than complimentary practices. In the following study, I examine the nature of the two disciplines paying particular attention to the political context surrounding their formations and the foundations of their discursive frameworks. I examine changes to these disciplines in the methodological and ideological shifts surrounding the emergence of empirical and postmodern studies, and the relationship between these theoretical shifts and the expansion of globalization. Finally, I conclude with a discussion of the emerging field of transnational and bi-national studies and the opportunities for crossing the disciplinary borders between Latino/studies in the U.S. and Latin American Studies presented in this literature

Introduction: Processes, New Prospects, and Approaches

One of the best ways to begin to understand the cultures of the Latina/o populations of the United States is to consider the term as it has been used and appropriated over time. The term Latino (Spanish Latino Americana), according to David Bushnell 0970: 3) was first used by the Colombian publicist Jose Maria Torres Caicedo in 1856 (Miguel Tinker Salas, personal communication, 2001). Latin was used in the United States, especially in films from the 1920s through the 1960s as a cover designation that masked the origin of Mexicans and Puerto Ricans superseding the word Spanish to accomplish the same function

Avaliação do programa de saúde auditiva neonatal de hospital universitário em 2015

Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso (graduação)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Ceilândia, 2018.Objetivo: Avaliar o programa de saúde auditiva de um hospital público de Brasília quanto à cobertura e índices de passa/falha da triagem auditiva neonatal, assim como verificar o diagnóstico audiológico das crianças com ou sem risco para perda auditiva que falharam no teste ou reteste de Emissões Otoacústicas Evocadas de Triagem Auditiva Neonatal Universal (TANU) de um hospital. Método: Foi realizado um estudo descritivo, quantitativo retrospectivo, realizado a partir de um levantamento de dados, baseado em planilhas de serviço do hospital, no período de janeiro de 2015 a dezembro de 2015. Resultados: A cobertura dos nascidos no referido hospital foi de 87,90%, onde 10,8% falharam na primeira etapa da triagem. Dos que foram encaminhados para a triagem, 41,25% não compareceram e, dos que compareceram, 18,09% falharam novamente o que representa 1,14% do total de nascidos, encaminhados para diagnóstico. Conclusões: Este estudo mostrou dados estatísticos do programa de saúde auditiva neonatal e também a importância de um programa de triagem auditiva neonatal realizado de forma adequada, visto que a audição é o principal sentido responsável pela aquisição da fala e linguagem da criança. O déficit desta função pode provocar prejuízo não só no desenvolvimento da linguagem, mas também, no aspecto social, emocional e cognitivo.Objective: To evaluate the auditory health program of a public hospitalregarding the coverage and pass / fail indexes of the neonatal hearing screening, as well as to verify the audiological diagnosis of children with or without risk of hearing loss who failed to test or retest EOA of Screening Auditory Neonatal Universal (SANU) of the hospital of these paper. Methods: A descriptive, retrospective quantitative study was carried out based on a data survey, based on the worksheets of the Hospital, from January 2015 to December 2015. Results: The coverage of those born in the Hospital was 87.90%, where 10.8% failed in the first stage of screening. Of those who were referred for screening, 41.25% did not attend and those who attended 18.09% returned again, which represents 1.14% of the total number of newborns referred for diagnosis. Conclusions: This study showed statistical data of the neonatal hearing health program and also the importance of a properly performed neonatal hearing screening program, since hearing is the main responsible for the acquisition of speech and language of the child. The deficit of this function can cause damage not only in the development of language, but also in the social, emotional and cognitive aspects