The State, the Media: Conceptual Elucidations and the Nigerian Context?

This paper undertakes two tasks. First, it critically examines conceptual problematique surrounding the concepts of the state and the media in literature, and second, it empirically teases out state –media relations in Nigeria with the objective of understanding the character of the relations. Drawing mainly from secondary data sources, it contends that while there are conceptual ambiguities revolving around the concepts of the state and the media, there had also been uneasiness in state-media relations in Nigeria which cannot be divorced from the authoritarian character of the Nigerian State. It recommends, among others, the deconstruction and decolonization of the meddlesome Nigerian State

Neo-Liberal Globalization, the State and Conflicts: Some Remarks on Sub- Sahara Africa

This article interrogated in theoretical cum descriptive fashion the linkage s between neo-liberal globalization the state the arena of politics and conflicts using sub-Sahara Africa as a research backdrop Drawing from secondary data sourced mainly from textbooks and journals and leaning on dependency theoretical platform it found out that neo- liberal globalization has affected states in the global system differentially While the developed states of the north had developed various strategies to deal with the enigma and had even made huge success of it the dependent post-colonial states in Africa have been at the mercies of this technologically driven post- cold war phenomenon Merciless it argues that globalization has dented the integrity of these states in manner that made them to lose legitimacy in the eyes of citizens under their confines The outcome of such state of affairs was the relocation of legitimacy from them to the sub-state movements which in most cases have now become the new sites of conflicts in the region The article recommended two action areas for reversing the trends First at the national level the state the epicentre of the socio-economic space needs to be reconstituted It is expected that a genuinuely democratic nation-states could serve as building blocks for continental integration Second sub-Sahara African states must move the integration process beyond rhetori

Pervasive intra-party conflicts in a democratising Nigeria: Terrains, implications, drivers and options for resolution

Intra-party conflicts of all shapes and complexions have been part and parcel of Nigeria’s democratic journey. However, in recent times, they have become much more pervasive and even assumed crisis dimensions, with negative implications for democratic stability and consolidation. Drawing from the literature and interpreting the evidence, this article examines the terrain, implications and drivers of intra-party conflicts in a democratising Nigeria with a view to recommending options for resolution. It proceeds from the premise that pervasive intra-party conflicts, which have now assumed crisis dimensions, are not given, but have been nurtured by certain structural factors which have shaped the contours of politics in Nigeria. Specifically, it argues that the crises are closely connected with the neo-patrimonial character of the Nigerian petro state, the nature of politics being played by the political actors, praetorian hangover, and the paucity of democrats who genuinely have democratic temperaments to play the game of democratic politics according to established rules. It calls for, among others, the reform and strengthening of the internal conflict management capacities of political parties in Nigeria.Keywords: democracy, political parties, elections, intra-party conflicts, conflict management, Nigeri

The legislatures, legislative oversight and crisis of governance in democratizing Nigeria: a prebendalist perspective

This article, which is based on desk analysis, examines the legislative oversight roles of the legislatures in democratizing Nigeria against the backdrop of the seeming crisis of governance. It observes that the legislatures and their functionaries in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, especially at the national level, have performed abysmally in discharging their oversight roles, resulting in a crisis of governance. The essay concludes that as long as the Nigerian post-colonial rentier state and existing democratic institutions, the legislatures included, remain trapped in the prebendal orbit, the journey towards democratic accountability and by extension dividends of democracy, may continue to be a tortuous one.Keywords: Democracy, the legislature, horizontal accountability, neo-patrimonialism, prebendalis

A Democratic Developmental State in post-authoritarian Nigeria? Issues and prospects

This article, deploying data from documentary sources,examines issues in Nigeria’s democratization project and the prospect of a Democratic Developmental State (DDS) in post-authoritarian Nigeria. Drawing from the radical theory of the state, it notes that an autonomous state is pivotal to a successful DDS in the global South. In the light of this and based on the review of Nigeria’s development and democratization history, the article argues and concludes that, given the non-autonomous character of the Nigerian state and the politics that it engenders, the prospects of a DDS in Nigeria in the nearest future are rather slim

The 2001 ECOWAS Supplementary Protocol on Democracy in Light of Recent Developments in the Sub-Region of Africa

This article, sourcing data from documentary sources and adopting descriptive and historical methods of data analysis, examines the most comprehensive and ambitious of the West African statesmen’ attempts at regionalizing democracy—the 2001 Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. Specifically, it assesses member states’ performance with regard its provisions, in the light of contemporary realities. It argues that this framework and its precursors, when viewed against the background of their emergence, are another defensive strategy by West African leaders, in concert with the ‘development’ partners, to disguise the contradictions in the sub-region’s democratization process. It concludes that what Africa needs, to ensure peace and stability is a model of democracy that guarantees inclusiveness and popular participation in development policies

Jonathan’s Constitutional Conference in Nigeria: A reflection and a radical critique

The process of bringing forth a constitution is as crucial and important as the constitution itself. However, while this ideal has been institutionalized in many liberal democracies, it is yet to be fully embraced in many illiberal countries. In Nigeria, the focus of this discourse, the process of constitution-making is as old as the country itself but such processes had always followed the same pattern: elite engineered, paternalistically-driven and above all, devoid of citizens’ imprints via a referendum. It is against this backdrop that this article, in a retrospective and analytical manner, examines and offers a democratic critique ofNigeria’s most recent attempt at Nigeria’s constitutional engineering, the Jonathan’s Constitutional Conference (JCC) of 2014. It observes that President Jonathan-initiated Constitutional Conference mimicked the paternalistic character of the previous attempts at constitution-making and as such the process is not markedly different from the old. It submits that as long as the state elites, acting on behalf of the hegemonic faction of the dominant class, continue to see constitution-making as their exclusive reserve and are always willing to defend even a bad constitution, the search for a people’s constitution would continue.Keywords: constitution, Nigerian state, referendum, hegemony, paternalism, Goodluck Jonatha

NIGÉRIA PÓS-AUTORITÁRIA: DEMOCRATIZANDO SOB CORRUPÇÃO GENERALIZADA

This article, adopting descriptive, historical and analytical methods of inquiry and using the post-authoritarian Nigeria as research backdrop, examines the contours and terrains of democratization processes, in Africa, under condition of pervasive corruption. It observes that democratic institutions, in Nigeria since the termination of the authoritarian order in 1999, have performed abysmally in checking the incidences of corruption contrary to the expectations in the donor community, based on the experiences of the advanced democracies, that democracy and its appurtenances once launched, could reduced the incidence of corruption. It notes and argues that this state of affairs is not unconnected to a non-autonomous and a prebendal state, which offers almost limitless opportunities for official corruption to thrive.   Este artigo, adotando métodos descritivos, históricos e analíticos de investigação e utilizando a Nigéria pós-autoritária como pano de fundo da investigação, examina os contornos e terrenos dos processos de democratização na África, sob condições de corrupção generalizada. Observa-se que as instituições democráticas na Nigéria, desde a cessação da ordem autoritária em 1999, têm tido um desempenho abismal na verificação dos casos de corrupção, contrariamente às expectativas da comunidade de doadores, com base nas experiências das democracias avançadas, de que a democracia e os seus apetrechos, uma vez lançados, poderiam reduzir a incidência da corrupção. Ele observa e argumenta que esta situação não está desligada de um Estado não autônomo e prebendal, que oferece oportunidades quase ilimitadas para que a corrupção oficial prospere

GRUPOS DE VIGILANTES E DE POLICIAMENTO EM UMA NIGÉRIA DEMOCRATIZADA: NAVEGANDO NO CONTEXTO E QUESTÕES

In the last few years, vigilante groups and other informal policing structures have assumed a greater role in the security architecture of many countries, especially those that exited from authoritarian order. In spite of this development, however, issues and concerns are constantly being raised about them regarding whether they could really be agents of democratic policing against the backdrop of their penchant for human rights violations and extra-judicial killings. It is against this background that this article examines the balance sheet of vigilante groups in a democratizing Nigeria. Following an extensive review of extant literature on police, policing, vigilantism and vigilante groups, as well as relevant studies on vigilante groups in Nigeria, it observes and notes that unlike the practice in liberal democracies, where vigilante groups - in conduct and practice - conform to principles of rule of law and constitutionalism, the opposite is the case in a democratizing Nigeria. It argues and concludes that as long as the vigilante groups, like the formal policing establishments, remain the instruments of intimidation of political opponents by the politicians that control them; the terrain of vigilantism would continue to be in the realm of ‘anocracy’. Nos últimos anos, grupos de vigilantes e outras estruturas informais de policiamento assumiram um papel maior na arquitetura de segurança de muitos países, especialmente aqueles que saíram da ordem autoritária. Apesar deste desenvolvimento, no entanto, questões e preocupações são constantemente levantadas sobre se eles realmente poderiam ser agentes do policiamento democrático contra o pano de fundo de sua propensão para violações de direitos humanos e assassinatos extrajudiciais. É contra esse cenário que este artigo examina o balanço de grupos de vigilantes em uma Nigéria em democratização. Após uma extensa revisão da literatura existente sobre grupos policiais, de policiamento, de vigilantismo e grupos de vigilantes, bem como estudos relevantes sobre grupos vigilantes na Nigéria, observa-se que ao contrário da prática em democracias liberais, onde grupos de vigilantes, - em conduta e prática - , seguem os princípios do estado de direito e constitucionalismo, o oposto é o caso de uma Nigéria em democratização Argumenta-se e conclui-se que enquanto os grupos de vigilantes, como os estabelecimentos formais de policiamento, continuam sendo instrumentos de intimidação política de opositores políticos pelos políticos que os controlam; o terreno do vigilantismo continuaria a ser no reino da "anocracia"

Between the Rock and a Hard Place: The Africa Union and Democracy Promotion in Africa

While the Cold War lasted, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) never considered democracy promotion in member states as a priority. What mattered to the body was the safeguard of the sovereignties of member states? The globalization of the third democratic wave however, changed that as democracy promotion, courtesy of Donor’s aid agenda became a core objective of the OAU/AU. Deploying descriptive, historical, and analytical methods of inquiry with a focus on the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance (ACDEG), this article assesses the extent of AU’s commitments to promoting democracy in Africa. Following an extensive review of conceptual literature on democracy, as well as relevant studies on OAU/AU’s democracy promotion initiatives in Africa, it notes that OAU/AU, no doubt, has robust normative frameworks for dealing with an unconstitutional change of government and other actions that could constitute a threat to the growth of democracy in Africa but in enforcing these frameworks, it is often stuck between a rock and a hard place. It suggests, among others, the strengthening of the enforcement mechanisms of the organization