Kinstate intervention in ethnic conflicts : Albania and Turkey compared

Albania and Turkey did not act in overtly irredentist ways towards their ethnic brethren in neighboring states after the end of communism. Why, nonetheless, did Albania facilitate the increase of ethnic conflict in Kosovo and Macedonia, while Turkey did not, with respect to the Turks of Bulgaria? I argue that kin-states undergoing transition are more prone to intervene in external conflicts than states that are not, regardless of the salience of minority demands in the host-state. The transition weakens the institutions of the kin-state. Experiencing limited institutional constraints, self-seeking state officials create alliances with secessionist and autonomist movements across borders alongside their own ideological, clan-based and particularistic interests. Such alliances are often utilized to advance radical domestic agendas. Unlike in Albania's transition environment, in Turkey there were no emerging elites that could potentially form alliances and use external movements to legitimize their own domestic existence or claims

Everyday legitimacy and international administration: global governance and local legitimacy in Kosovo

International administrations are a very specific form of statebuilding. This paper examines the limits illustrated by the experience in Kosovo. Here, the international administration faced the same requirements of any legitimate, Liberal government, but without the checks and balances normally associated with Liberal governance. Thus, the international administration was granted full authority and the power thereby associated, but without the legitimacy upon which the Liberal social contract rests. The state-building agenda put forth came to be seen as more exogenous, reinforcing the delegitimization process. This paper will specifically address the influence of the Weberian approach to legitimacy on the statebuilding literature, as well as its limits. It will then propose other possible avenues for statebuilding, more in line with a wider understanding of legitimacy and intervention

A teoria do desenvolvimento político e a questão da ordem e da estabilidade

O tema do artigo são teorias sobre o desenvolvimento político dos países pobres produzidas nos Estados Unidos que baseiam suas práticas científicas (a investigação, a classificação e a seleção de temas) em uma determinada representação do que definiria esses países. O artigo possui como questão de fundo a compreensão da passagem de uma representação desenvolvimentista e econômica para uma visão mais centrada na estabilidade e na ordem durante a década de 1960. Para tanto, debruça-se, primeiramente, sobre a série Studies in Political Development, do Committe on Comparative Politics. Com esse objeto é possível abarcar de forma privilegiada as transformações pela qual a teoria clássica teve que passar para abarcar o novo tema da instabilidade. Por fim, a análise das obras clássicas de Huntington indica quais são as características da nova representação que emerge. Dois aspectos-chave são investigados: (i) a representação dos países pobres e a relação que se estabelece entre a teoria do desenvolvimento político, a teoria do desenvolvimento econômico e a teoria da modernização; (ii) o significado de desenvolvimento político. A análise das obras indica que, por meio da inserção do tema da instabilidade, a teoria do desenvolvimento político se consolida como campo de estudos relevante e autônomo, uma vez que tal tema permitiu conceituar o seu objeto - desenvolvimento político - e argumentar que ele não poderia ser inteiramente reduzido à modernização social ou econômica

From low-conflict polity to democratic civil peace: Explaining Zambian exceptionalism

An absence of civil war and other significant sub-state violence makes Zambia an exceptional although not unique case in central-southern Africa. The literature devoted to explaining civil war has grown dramatically in recent years, but while it pays much attention to sub-Saharan Africa only rarely does it investigate counterfactual cases like Zambia. Similarly the growing field of research into post-conflict reconstruction fails to capture the distinct features of persistently low-conflict situations where many of the predisposing conditions for violent conflict might seem to be present. This paper examines Zambia’s experience against a background of general theories that try to explain conflict. It is an “interpretative case study”. The paper proceeds by substantiating Zambia’s claim to a relatively peaceful record and introduces ideas of conflict and conflict theories, before arguing that no single general theory dwelling on just one primary “cause” will suffice to explain Zambian exceptionalism. The precise mix of arguments differs for each one Zambia’s three republican eras, as the potential threats to peace have themselves evolved over the period since independence. The paper’s main theoretical claim is that over time the explanation is both multi-layered and dynamic. That said, certain features do stand out, most notably an inherited political culture that is predisposed against the violent resolution of conflict and continues to insulate the country against social and economic traumas and democratic shortcomings

Carbon Dioxide Utilisation -The Formate Route

UIDB/50006/2020 CEEC-Individual 2017 Program Contract.The relentless rise of atmospheric CO2 is causing large and unpredictable impacts on the Earth climate, due to the CO2 significant greenhouse effect, besides being responsible for the ocean acidification, with consequent huge impacts in our daily lives and in all forms of life. To stop spiral of destruction, we must actively reduce the CO2 emissions and develop new and more efficient “CO2 sinks”. We should be focused on the opportunities provided by exploiting this novel and huge carbon feedstock to produce de novo fuels and added-value compounds. The conversion of CO2 into formate offers key advantages for carbon recycling, and formate dehydrogenase (FDH) enzymes are at the centre of intense research, due to the “green” advantages the bioconversion can offer, namely substrate and product selectivity and specificity, in reactions run at ambient temperature and pressure and neutral pH. In this chapter, we describe the remarkable recent progress towards efficient and selective FDH-catalysed CO2 reduction to formate. We focus on the enzymes, discussing their structure and mechanism of action. Selected promising studies and successful proof of concepts of FDH-dependent CO2 reduction to formate and beyond are discussed, to highlight the power of FDHs and the challenges this CO2 bioconversion still faces.publishersversionpublishe

Entre seguridad humana y estatal: ¿ofrece la Unión Europea una respuesta coherente a los desafíos de seguridad en Centroamérica, Colombia y Venezuela?

Centroamérica, Colombia y Venezuela enfrentan importantes desafíos de seguridad. Pese al discurso de seguridad humana en su política hacia América Latina, la Unión Europea (UE) ha tenido aproximaciones diferentes a los tres conflictos: desde el nexo seguridad-desarrollo en Centroamérica y un compromiso de cooperación combinado con la “securitización” del conflicto en Colombia, hasta una política de sanciones y diplomacia en Venezuela. Metodología: mediante una perspectiva comparada y un marco analítico común de análisis de contenido cualitativo, el artículo plantea la pregunta: ¿qué concepto de seguridad, estatal o humana, está detrás de las políticas de la UE hacia estos países y con qué grado de coherencia se implementa? Conclusiones: se demuestra que la UE hace un manejo poco coherente del nexo seguridad-desarrollo hacia los países seleccionados debido a inconsistencias internas y externas, en este caso sobre todo de cara a EE. UU. como principal donante de la región y “socio” transatlántico. Originalidad: el artículo deconstruye la imagen de la UE como socio de desarrollo comprometido con la seguridad humana. Aunque la política de la UE sigue estando más enfocada en afrontar las causas como la desigualdad y la pobreza que las consecuencias de la inseguridad, la política del nexo seguridad-desarrollo refleja una cierta securitización del desarrollo a la hora de cooperar con países en conflicto y Estados frágiles considerados potenciales “amenazas” a la seguridad, como Colombia o Venezuela