Quand Brandys nous imaginait la Pologne

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La Pologne d’Anna Langfus

En confrontant une analyse biographique et des aperçus sur l’œuvre de la romancière Anna Langfus (1920-1966), Jean-Yves Potel montre la relation ambivalente que cette auteure entretient avec la Pologne. Elle a quitté sa terre natale à l’âge de 26 ans, rescapée de la Shoah. Elle entre dans la langue et la culture française pour se sauver, se débarrasser de ce poids insupportable. Elle n’y parvient pas. Elle vit cette rupture et ces échecs comme une perte de soi. Elle ne parvient pas à se reconstruire. Son œuvre littéraire transmet cette perte et sa douleur. Elle parle pour les blessés de l’histoire qui sont condamnés à vivre. Les rescapés.Confronting a biographical analysis and insights on the work of novelist Anna Langfus (1920-1966), Jean-Yves Potel shows the ambivalent relationship that this author has with Poland. She left her homeland at the age of 26, survived the Holocaust. She enters the French language and culture to save herself, get rid of this unbearable burden. She does not succeed. She saw this break and failures as a loss of herself. She cannot success to rebuilt herself. Her literary work express this loss and pain. She speaks for the wounded of History which are condemned to live. Survivors

La fin du communisme

Yves Potel souligne la variation des évolutions particulières des systèmes communistes d’Europe centrale et orientale, de leur avènement à leur disparition ; il analyse la relation toujours conflictuelle entre les nouveaux États à construire et les sociétés communistes, en plein bouleversement institutionnel, économique et social, aux dynamiques propres, en interaction plus ou moins forte avec l’extérieur et qui ont toutes forgé, à des degrés divers, des formes d’autonomie ou de résistance. La mobilisation sociale face à l’État différencie les voies de sortie du communisme. Elle est aussi fonction de l’histoire politique propre de chaque société et de leurs capacités à inventer des voies de sortie spécifiques (comme Solidarité). Cette histoire influe sur la forme des ruptures obtenues qui jouent un rôle dans les mutations politiques observables. La fragilisation du système par ses contradictions structurelles a créé l’opportunité politique de poches diverses de résistance, souvent capables de s’articuler sur la construction d’identités collectives ou individuelles.Yves Potel. The end of communism. The author underlines the variations in the particular evolutions of communist systems in Central and Eastern Europe, from their appearance to their end. He analyses the always conflictual relationship between the new states about to be built and the communist societies which have all evolved in varying degrees some forms of autonomy or resistance. Social mobilisation against the State has produced different ways out of communism. This mobilisation also depends on the particular history of each society and its capacity of inventing specific means of exit (such as Solidarity). This history has influenced the form of the breaks which have taken place and play a role in the political mutations observed. He insists on the fact that the fragilisation of the system through its structural contradictions has created a political opportunity for various pockets of resistance, often capable of linking with the construction of collective or individual identities

La fin du communisme

Yves Potel souligne la variation des évolutions particulières des systèmes communistes d’Europe centrale et orientale, de leur avènement à leur disparition ; il analyse la relation toujours conflictuelle entre les nouveaux États à construire et les sociétés communistes, en plein bouleversement institutionnel, économique et social, aux dynamiques propres, en interaction plus ou moins forte avec l’extérieur et qui ont toutes forgé, à des degrés divers, des formes d’autonomie ou de résistance. La mobilisation sociale face à l’État différencie les voies de sortie du communisme. Elle est aussi fonction de l’histoire politique propre de chaque société et de leurs capacités à inventer des voies de sortie spécifiques (comme Solidarité). Cette histoire influe sur la forme des ruptures obtenues qui jouent un rôle dans les mutations politiques observables. La fragilisation du système par ses contradictions structurelles a créé l’opportunité politique de poches diverses de résistance, souvent capables de s’articuler sur la construction d’identités collectives ou individuelles.Yves Potel. The end of communism. The author underlines the variations in the particular evolutions of communist systems in Central and Eastern Europe, from their appearance to their end. He analyses the always conflictual relationship between the new states about to be built and the communist societies which have all evolved in varying degrees some forms of autonomy or resistance. Social mobilisation against the State has produced different ways out of communism. This mobilisation also depends on the particular history of each society and its capacity of inventing specific means of exit (such as Solidarity). This history has influenced the form of the breaks which have taken place and play a role in the political mutations observed. He insists on the fact that the fragilisation of the system through its structural contradictions has created a political opportunity for various pockets of resistance, often capable of linking with the construction of collective or individual identities

Evaluation of the tuberculin skin test and the interferon-γ release assay for TB screening in French healthcare workers

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Introduction</p> <p>Using French cut-offs for the Tuberculin Skin Test (TST), results of the TST were compared with the results of an Interferon-γ Release Assay (IGRA) in Healthcare Workers (HCW) after contact to AFB-positive TB patients.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>Between May 2006 and May 2007, a total of 148 HCWs of the University Hospital in Nantes, France were tested simultaneously with IGRA und TST. A TST was considered to indicate recent latent TB infection (LTBI) if an increase of >10 mm or if TST ≥ 15 mm for those with no previous TST result was observed. For those with a positive TST, chest X-ray was performed and preventive chemotherapy was offered.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>All HCWs were BCG-vaccinated. The IGRA was positive in 18.9% and TST ≥ 10 mm was observed in 65.5%. A recent LTBI was believed to be highly probable in 30.4% following TST. Agreement between IGRA and TST was low (kappa 0.041). In 10 (16.7%) out of 60 HCWs who needed chest X-ray following TST the IGRA was positive. In 9 (20%) out of 45 HCWs to whom preventive chemotherapy was offered following TST the IGRA was positive. Of those considered TST-negative following the French guidelines, 20.5% were IGRA-positive. In a two-step strategy - positive TST verified by IGRA - 18 out of 28 (64.3%) IGRA-positive HCWs would not have been detected using French guidelines for TST interpretation.</p> <p>Conclusion</p> <p>The introduction of IGRA in contact tracings of BCG-vaccinated HCWs reduces X-rays and preventive chemotherapies. Increasing the cut-off for a positive TST does not seem to be helpful to overcome the effect of BCG vaccination on TST.</p

La revendication autogestionnaire dans la Pologne de Solidarité

Jean-Yves Potel Workers self-management claim by Solidarity movement Poland had already experienced workers self-management in 1956. In 1980 however, this claim was not pushed forward by the leaders of Soli¬ darity Movement : they were reluctant to have to cope with the economic crisis for which the communist Party was mostly accountable. According to the author, while the crisis was extending more and more profoundly, the claim of workers self management came to a priority. Experiments in factories and theoretical debates led directly to the problem of taking over the central power and to different strategies to do it. In december 1981, when Jaruzelski put an end to the movement, the Union had no made its definitive choice.La Pologne avait déjà fait une expérience d'autogestion en 1956. En 1980, les militants de Solidarité ne paraissent guère enclins à reprendre cette revendication qui les conduirait à prendre en charge la gestion de la crise économique. L'auteur montre comment un tel projet s'est imposé progressivement, comment il s'est élaboré en se diversifiant, conduisant à deux tactiques pour la prise du pouvoir. Le choix de Solidarité n'était pas définitivement joué le 13 décembre 1981.Potel Jean-Yves. La revendication autogestionnaire dans la Pologne de Solidarité. In: Sociologie du travail, 24ᵉ année n°3, Juillet-septembre 1982. Lutte sociale en Pologne. pp. 262-278