Europeanisation, Bosman and the Financial ‘Crisis’ in English Professional Football: Some Sociological Comments

[From the introduction]. During the last two decades there has been growing concern over what has been described as the financial ‘crisis’ in English football. This is not just a media-inspired view, but one that has emanated increasingly from within the football authorities in England, government ministers and others within the professional game following the formation of the Premier League in 1992. It is also a view that has come to be expressed – particularly in light of the financial management of clubs before and after the introduction of the Bosman ruling in 1995 – about the financial position of football clubs elsewhere in Europe, such as Italy, Spain and Germany. Lago, Simmons and Szymanski (2006: 5), for example, have suggested that ‘the imbalance between income and expenditures, and … evidence of rising debt’ serve to ‘demonstrate the possibility of a crisis’ in European professional football. Similarly, the former Chief Executive of UEFA, Lars-Christer Olsson suggests ‘you have clubs now where the turnover is €200m-€300m (£140m-£205m) and they still make a loss. This is very unhealthy, and stupid’. In addition, he argues ‘The growing wealth gap between clubs, and the resulting predictability of the league title race in so many European countries, is a key issue. If left unchecked it will kill off a lot of the interest in football, which depends on unpredictability of outcome to keep fans’ (Olsson, 2006: 16). Set in this context, the objective of this paper is to offer the beginnings of a sociological explanation which highlights the extent to which Europeanisation processes, among others, have helped to make a central, though largely unplanned and unforeseen, contribution to the increasingly unequal concentration of financial resources among only a handful of clubs in English professional football. More specifically, by drawing upon aspects of figurational sociology and focusing, in particular, upon the differential interdependencies or relational networks in which football clubs are located, we shall argue that these processes can be explained in terms of the outcomes of the complex combination of intended and unintended consequences of dynamic networks of human relations which are lengthening and becoming more complex on both a European and global scale before analysing the correlative emergence of the Europeanisation process and some of the consequences this has had for professional football in England

Integrated 1 Year Mission: Investigators Face-to-Face

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Trust is a Process

Abstract The paper briefly overviews the growing literature on ‘trust’ and proposes a new definition. The authors define Trust as a process, as a verb, as action that enables the individual to be pro active in improving relationships. The Relationship Audit is described as a tested aid to monitor different aspects of working with others inside and outside the organisation

The optimisation of shot peen forming processes

An optimisation method based on an effective process model is presented. The calibrated and verified process model simulates peening on realistic components and provides a non-linear relationship between peening parameters and deflections. An optimal solution can be found by minimising the deviation of the computed deformed shape from the desired shape subject to certain constraints. This optimal solution of peening parameters can be directly used for practical operations. An optimisation example for forming a cylindrical shape on a 76x76x3 mm sample is provided. The experimental results demonstrate the applicability of the present optimisation method

'Beyond the loot' : social disorder and urban unrest

The article looks at current explanations for the 2011 English riots. It critiques one dominant view that, beyond the micro-political protest in Tottenham, people primarily participated to loot lifestyle items they could not afford to buy. Empirical data is used to challenge the extent and nature of the looting in 2011, concluding that the proportion of riot events that were not focused on looting, directly contradicts the argument that criminal acquisition and consumerism were primary drivers of the unrest. Social disorder is more likely to manifest as looting in commercial areas, but it does not naturally follow that participants originally set out to loot, and economics may not be their primary motive. The article moves on to explore the role the police may have played in promoting ‘contagion’ and to reflect on the role of policing in preventing and limiting unrest, even where foregrounded by other precipitating factors

Water for Everyone

Around one in ten Tanzanians source their water from rivers originating in the Eastern Arc Mountains (EAM). In Dar es Salaam, the main water source is the Ruvu River, flowing from Uluguru Nature Reserve, from which around 300 million litres are extracted daily. Moreover, at least half of Tanzanian hydroelectricity is generated from EAM rivers. The EAM contain moist forest assemblages as well as large areas of miombo woodland at lower elevations and on drier leeward aspects. These biomes are believed to play significant roles in the regulation of hydrological flow, flood mitigation and soil conservation. Despite this hypothesised importance, the interactions between river flow, habitat type and land use are not well understood. To explore these complexities, the Valuing the Arc programme (VTA) parameterised a detailed, daily water model called SWAT to model the hydrology of two focal catchments: the Sigi in Tanga Region and the Ruvu in Morogoro region. In addition, we developed a broader scale, monthly model (WatR) to tentatively explore hydrological flow across the wider VTA region

Identifying Patterns in Health Care Disparities and Barriers to Health Care in Rural Tanzania

Tanzania is a country in East Africa with a population of 55 million people. HIV/AIDs, malaria and nutritional deficiencies claim the lives of many each year across Tanzania. The World Health Organization (WHO) reported in 2013 that approximately 70 percent of the population of Tanzania live in more rural areas where access to healthcare, health education, and medications for these diseases may be limited. The objective of this study was to illuminate significant health disparities in rural Tanzania based on literature and direct observations to identify barriers to quality health care. A comprehensive literature evaluation was completed on reports published on healthcare and health statistics in Tanzania from 1995 to present using Google Scholar and PubMed searches. This information was compared to direct observations, clinic evaluations and pharmacy inventories completed during a two week service program to villages in rural Tanzania. During this two-week trip, local health systems were directly observed and publicly available information about healthcare disparities in the region was recorded. Inventories of major diseases treated, services offered, and medications at two hospitals, one medical clinic and two pharmacies were recorded in the towns of Iringa and Ipalamwa, Tanzania. Despite the need, many rural villages, like Ipalamwa, have no functional health clinic and limited pharmacies available to its people, preventing necessary care. In 2013 in Tanzania, there were 159 deaths per 100,000 people due to HIV/AIDs. Observations made in Iringa and Ipalamwa revealed that despite local pharmacies, antiretroviral therapies are not readily available. The WHO reported that 44 people per 100,000 people die every year from malaria and that in all regions of Tanzania, malaria is a major cause of health services for all ages. Observations made in rural Tanzania reveal that government run pharmacies only offer limited medications for malaria treatment, primarily Artequick (artemisinin/piperaquine), Lumiter (artemether/lumefantrine), and Coartem D (artemether/ lumefantrine). From 2010-2011 it was reported that for children in Tanzania under the age of 5 years old, 13.6 percent were underweight, 6.6 percent experienced wasting, and finally 38.4 percent experienced stunting. Initial observations indicate that rates in rural areas well over 50 percent. Rural Tanzanian locations like Iringa are the highest producing maize regions and diet in the areas observed consists mainly of carbohydrate rich foods, such as corn and rice. Nutrient-rich food groups are avoided or sold for income or because of cultural beliefs. Due to geographic location in rural regions of Tanzania, lack of resources present a barrier to health care. Lack of access to HIV/AIDs and malaria treatment raise concern. Due to the abundance of maize-heavy diets in rural settings, many have an imbalanced diet which leads to nutritional deficiencies and stunting. Despite access to other sources of food, many people do not take advantage due to lack of knowledge and cultural beliefs. Identification of unique issues in rural Tanzania along with specific barriers is critical as this will allow for programs and interventions to be more targeted in rural settings

A framework and tool for supply network strategy operationalisation

This research aims to develop a framework to capture the interplay of network strategic decisions, and to understand how firms operating within a supply network interact with each other. The research involves an in-depth longitudinal case study in one supply network consisting of 20 firms. Data was systematically collected through the use of a Supply Network Analysis Process (SNAP) methodology. Interviews and secondary data were collected for further data validation and triangulation. This paper describes the above case study in detail, explains the SNAP methodology and framework development, and discusses the implications of the research both in academia and industry