Addressing climate change with behavioral science: A global intervention tournament in 63 countries

Effectively reducing climate change requires marked, global behavior change. However, it is unclear which strategies are most likely to motivate people to change their climate beliefs and behaviors. Here, we tested 11 expert-crowdsourced interventions on four climate mitigation outcomes: beliefs, policy support, information sharing intention, and an effortful tree-planting behavioral task. Across 59,440 participants from 63 countries, the interventions' effectiveness was small, largely limited to nonclimate skeptics, and differed across outcomes: Beliefs were strengthened mostly by decreasing psychological distance (by 2.3%), policy support by writing a letter to a future-generation member (2.6%), information sharing by negative emotion induction (12.1%), and no intervention increased the more effortful behavior-several interventions even reduced tree planting. Last, the effects of each intervention differed depending on people's initial climate beliefs. These findings suggest that the impact of behavioral climate interventions varies across audiences and target behaviors

Addressing climate change with behavioral science: a global intervention tournament in 63 countries

Effectively reducing climate change requires marked, global behavior change. However, it is unclear which strategies are most likely to motivate people to change their climate beliefs and behaviors. Here, we tested 11 expert-crowdsourced interventions on four climate mitigation outcomes: beliefs, policy support, information sharing intention, and an effortful tree-planting behavioral task. Across 59,440 participants from 63 countries, the interventions’ effectiveness was small, largely limited to nonclimate skeptics, and differed across outcomes: Beliefs were strengthened mostly by decreasing psychological distance (by 2.3%), policy support by writing a letter to a future-generation member (2.6%), information sharing by negative emotion induction (12.1%), and no intervention increased the more effortful behavior—several interventions even reduced tree planting. Last, the effects of each intervention differed depending on people’s initial climate beliefs. These findings suggest that the impact of behavioral climate interventions varies across audiences and target behaviors

Addressing climate change with behavioral science:A global intervention tournament in 63 countries

Effectively reducing climate change requires marked, global behavior change. However, it is unclear which strategies are most likely to motivate people to change their climate beliefs and behaviors. Here, we tested 11 expert-crowdsourced interventions on four climate mitigation outcomes: beliefs, policy support, information sharing intention, and an effortful tree-planting behavioral task. Across 59,440 participants from 63 countries, the interventions' effectiveness was small, largely limited to nonclimate skeptics, and differed across outcomes: Beliefs were strengthened mostly by decreasing psychological distance (by 2.3%), policy support by writing a letter to a future-generation member (2.6%), information sharing by negative emotion induction (12.1%), and no intervention increased the more effortful behavior-several interventions even reduced tree planting. Last, the effects of each intervention differed depending on people's initial climate beliefs. These findings suggest that the impact of behavioral climate interventions varies across audiences and target behaviors.</p

Addressing climate change with behavioral science:A global intervention tournament in 63 countries

Effectively reducing climate change requires marked, global behavior change. However, it is unclear which strategies are most likely to motivate people to change their climate beliefs and behaviors. Here, we tested 11 expert-crowdsourced interventions on four climate mitigation outcomes: beliefs, policy support, information sharing intention, and an effortful tree-planting behavioral task. Across 59,440 participants from 63 countries, the interventions' effectiveness was small, largely limited to nonclimate skeptics, and differed across outcomes: Beliefs were strengthened mostly by decreasing psychological distance (by 2.3%), policy support by writing a letter to a future-generation member (2.6%), information sharing by negative emotion induction (12.1%), and no intervention increased the more effortful behavior-several interventions even reduced tree planting. Last, the effects of each intervention differed depending on people's initial climate beliefs. These findings suggest that the impact of behavioral climate interventions varies across audiences and target behaviors.</p

Understanding the First-offer Conundrum: How Buyer Offers Impact Sale Price and Impasse Risk in 26 Million eBay Negotiations

How high should the first offer be? Prior to any negotiation, decision-makers must balance the tradeoff between two opposing first-offer effects. On the one hand, more assertive first offers benefit negotiators by anchoring the negotiation in their favor. On the other hand, a first offer that is too assertive increases impasse risk. Past research has demonstrated either the first offer’s anchoring benefits (while largely ignoring the risk of impasse) or its impasse risk (while largely ignoring anchoring benefits). The literature also frequently builds on simulated laboratory or classroom scenarios and has yet to provide an empirical, applied answer to the question of how high the ideal first offer should be. We integrate these separate literature streams and establish, based on over 25 million incentivized real-world sales negotiations, (1) a linear anchoring effect of first offers on sale prices and (2) a nonlinear quartic effect on impasse prevalence. We further identify three magnitude zones with distinct first-offer effects, identify specific points with particularly low impasse risks and high anchoring benefits, empirically examine the opening-offer midpoint bias—the assumption that buyer and seller eventually meet in the middle of their opening offers—and establish moderation by price certainty and product demand (the impasse risk decreases, the more uncertain a product’s objective value is and the fewer potential buyers are interested). Finally, we apply machine learning analyses to predict agreements and impasses and present a website that provides first-offer advice configurable to negotiators’ particular product, list price, and risk preferences

‘SPREAD THE APP, NOT THE VIRUS’ – AN EXTENSIVE SEM-APPROACH TO UNDERSTAND PANDEMIC TRACING APP USAGE IN GERMANY

The release of the Corona-Warn-App (CWA), a governmental pandemic tracing app to track infection chains related to COVID-19 in Germany, marks an unprecedented situation that offers a unique opportunity for investigating population-wide adoption of novel technology. We develop a conceptual model to investigate the effects and path relationships of multiple constructs related to technology adoption, data security, morality, social influence, trust, and COVID-19 to predict behavioral intentions and actual usage behavior. We use structural equation modelling with the partial least squares method and identify effort expectancy, social influence, prevailing opinions on COVID-19 and the CWA, as well as moral and ethical considerations as the most influential predictors. We are able to explain moderate to high amounts of variance with our model. Our results offer valuable insights for the technology ac- ceptance literature and enable practical recommendations for improving the public communication and elevating user numbers of pandemic tracing apps in Germany

The International Climate Psychology Collaboration:Climate change-related data collected from 63 countries

Climate change is currently one of humanity's greatest threats. To help scholars understand the psychology of climate change, we conducted an online quasi-experimental survey on 59,508 participants from 63 countries (collected between July 2022 and July 2023). In a between-subjects design, we tested 11 interventions designed to promote climate change mitigation across four outcomes: climate change belief, support for climate policies, willingness to share information on social media, and performance on an effortful pro-environmental behavioural task. Participants also reported their demographic information (e.g., age, gender) and several other independent variables (e.g., political orientation, perceptions about the scientific consensus). In the no-intervention control group, we also measured important additional variables, such as environmentalist identity and trust in climate science. We report the collaboration procedure, study design, raw and cleaned data, all survey materials, relevant analysis scripts, and data visualisations. This dataset can be used to further the understanding of psychological, demographic, and national-level factors related to individual-level climate action and how these differ across countries