Why dig looted tombs? Two examples and some answers from Keushu (Ancash highlands, Peru)

Looted tombs at Andean archaeological sites are largely the result of a long tradition of trade in archaeological artefacts coupled with the 17th century policy of eradicating ancestor veneration and destroying mortuary evidence in a bid to “extirpate idolatry”. On the surface, looted funerary contexts often present abundant disarticulated and displaced human remains as well as an apparent absence of mortuary accoutrements. What kind of information can archaeologists and biological anthropologists hope to gather from such contexts? In order to gauge the methodological possibilities and interpretative limitations of targeting looted tombs, we fully excavated two collective funerary contexts at the archaeological site of Keushu (district and province of Yungay, Ancash, Peru; c. 2000 B.C.-A.D. 1600), which includes several dozen tombs, many built under large boulders or rock shelters, all of which appear disturbed by looting. The first is located in the ceremonial sector and excavation yielded information on four individuals; the second, in the funerary and residential sector, held the remains of seventy individuals - adults and juveniles. Here, we present and discuss the recovered data and suggest that careful, joint excavations by archaeologists and biological anthropologists can retrieve evidence of past mortuary practices, aid the biological characterisation of mortuary populations and help distinguish between a broad range of looting practices and post-depositional processes

Geographic population structure analysis of worldwide human populations infers their biogeographical origins

The search for a method that utilizes biological information to predict humans’ place of origin has occupied scientists for millennia. Over the past four decades, scientists have employed genetic data in an effort to achieve this goal but with limited success. While biogeographical algorithms using next-generation sequencing data have achieved an accuracy of 700 km in Europe, they were inaccurate elsewhere. Here we describe the Geographic Population Structure (GPS) algorithm and demonstrate its accuracy with three data sets using 40,000–130,000 SNPs. GPS placed 83% of worldwide individuals in their country of origin. Applied to over 200 Sardinians villagers, GPS placed a quarter of them in their villages and most of the rest within 50 km of their villages. GPS’s accuracy and power to infer the biogeography of worldwide individuals down to their country or, in some cases, village, of origin, underscores the promise of admixture-based methods for biogeography and has ramifications for genetic ancestry testing