The merchant elite and parliamentary politics in Kuwait: The dynamics of business political participation in a rentier state

When applied to the Gulf region in general and Kuwait more specifically, the rentier state theory stipulates that the political relations between state and business are determined by the rent. Thus, business essentially ceases to represent a strong political force and withdraws from the formal political field in exchange for wealth provided by the state. However, the evidence from Kuwait’s recent history suggests that there is great variation between the patterns of political engagement in Kuwait’s merchant families. Some families have been continuously active in the country’s parliamentary politics and political field more broadly; their political action has not always been pro-government and, in general, the merchant community in Kuwait still possesses powerful means to negotiate government distribution patterns and to influence political decisionmaking. Thus, the main research question posed in the Thesis is the following: why do we observe merchants’ active political engagement in Kuwait counter to the prediction of the rentier state theory, and what can explain the variation of merchants’ political activity? The Thesis will analyse and compare Kuwait business politics along the dichotomies of passive versus active engagement and voice versus loyalty towards the government. Through this analysis I will define the factors which explain why some merchant families engage in parliamentary politics, while others do not, and why at times the merchant community allies with the opposition, and at others with the government. I will further examine what impact this political engagement by business has on the country’s economic reform policies. The analysis will establish that, although rent matters, the political action of business in Kuwait and its variation is defined by the country’s semi-parliamentary political system, while factors such as rent-seeking, ascriptive features, relations with the ruling powers and the changing nature of the country’s political field are essential intervening variables

Ruling Families and Business Elites in the Gulf Monarchies: Ever Closer?

Project: Middle East and North Africa Programme, Future Trends in the GCCThis is the final version of the article. Available from Chatham House via the URL in this record.Summary The pre-eminent role of nationalized oil and gas resources in the six Gulf monarchies has resulted in a private sector that is highly dependent on the state. This has crucial implications for economic and political reform prospects. All the ruling families – from a variety of starting points – have themselves moved much more extensively into business activities over the past two decades. Meanwhile, the traditional business elites’ socio-political autonomy from the ruling families (and thus the state) has diminished throughout the Gulf region – albeit again from different starting points and to different degrees today. The business elites’ priority interest in securing and preserving benefits from the rentier state has led them to reinforce their role of supporter of the incumbent regimes and ruling families. In essence, to the extent that business elites in the Gulf engage in policy debate, it tends to be to protect their own privileges. This has been particularly evident since the 2011 Arab uprisings. The overwhelming dependence of these business elites on the state for revenues and contracts, and the state’s key role in the economy – through ruling family members’ personal involvement in business as well as the state’s dominant ownership of stocks in listed companies – means that the distinction between business and political elites in the Gulf monarchies has become increasingly blurred. Under current uncertain political and economic conditions, existing patterns of clientelism and the business sector’s dependence on the state will not undergo significant changes. In these circumstances, the business elites are unlikely to become drivers of political reform. In the context of persistently low oil prices, growing tensions related to the definition of the new social contract and the content of structural reforms in the Gulf monarchies are likely to provoke renewed popular frustrations and considerable turmoil.This research was supported by the UK Economic and Social Research Council (grant no. ES/J012696/1)

A Comparison of the Sensititre MycoTB Plate, the Bactec MGIT 960, and a Microarray-Based Molecular Assay for the Detection of Drug Resistance in Clinical <i>Mycobacterium tuberculosis</i> Isolates in Moscow, Russia

<div><p>Background</p><p>The goal of this study was to compare the consistency of three assays for the determination of the drug resistance of <i>Mycobacterium tuberculosis</i> (MTB) strains with various resistance profiles isolated from the Moscow region.</p><p>Methods</p><p>A total of 144 MTB clinical isolates with a strong bias toward drug resistance were examined using Bactec MGIT 960, Sensititre MycoTB, and a microarray-based molecular assay TB-TEST to detect substitutions in the <i>rpoB</i>, <i>katG</i>, <i>inhA</i>, <i>ahpC</i>, <i>gyrA</i>, <i>gyrB</i>, <i>rrs</i>, <i>eis</i>, and <i>embB</i> genes that are associated with resistance to rifampin, isoniazid, fluoroquinolones, second-line injectable drugs and ethambutol.</p><p>Results</p><p>The average correlation for the identification of resistant and susceptible isolates using the three methods was approximately 94%. An association of mutations detected with variable resistance levels was shown. We propose a change in the breakpoint minimal inhibitory concentration for kanamycin to less than 5 μg/ml in the Sensititre MycoTB system. A pairwise comparison of the minimal inhibitory concentrations (MICs) of two different drugs revealed an increased correlation in the first-line drug group and a partial correlation in the second-line drug group, reflecting the history of the preferential simultaneous use of drugs from these groups. An increased correlation with the MICs was also observed for drugs sharing common resistance mechanisms.</p><p>Conclusions</p><p>The quantitative measures of phenotypic drug resistance produced by the Sensititre MycoTB and the timely detection of mutations using the TB-TEST assay provide guidance for clinicians for the choice of the appropriate drug regimen.</p></div

MICs based on the comparison of the MycoTB plate and MGIT 960 results.

<p>MICs based on the comparison of the MycoTB plate and MGIT 960 results.</p

MIC distributions of the clinical isolates characterized using the MGIT and TB-TEST assays.

<p>Resistant and susceptible isolates based on the MGIT results are indicated by the red and green lines, respectively. The light-red and light-green bars represent the numbers of resistant and susceptible isolates with mutations detected by the TB-TEST. The MGIT was not performed for rifabutin (RFB); therefore, only the distributions of all isolates and the isolates with mutations are shown.</p