‘A state of one’s own’: secessionism and federalism in India

Ever since the 'ethnic explosion' and secessionism blasted across the world in the mid-1980s, theorists have worked overtime to devise solutions to what appears to be an intractable problem. The problem is simply this: how can the escalation of ethnic discontent into violence, armed struggle and demands for separation be pre-empted? Violent conflicts can be managed, but when politics in the violent mode overlaps with identity issues, the problem verges on the insoluble. However, ethnic wars have to be forestalled, simply because they have inflicted incalculable harm on the human condition - grave and massive violations of human rights, dislocations, homelessness, desecration, ethnic cleansing and genocide. Basically, three solutions are on offer to resolve the problem: institutionalisation of democracy; federalism or decentralisation of power and resources and minority rights. Democracy assures citizens that their fundamental rights will be protected through the institutionalisation of two basic norms - participation and accountability. Federalism in and for plural societies is not only about decentralisation of power and resources to territorially distinct administrative units, it is also about such decentralisation to the dominant ethnic group which inhabits these territories, so that the group acquires a stake in the system. Democracy and federalism must be backed by the constitutional sanction of minority rights in order to prove effective. The problem is that the establishment of democracy, federalism, and minority rights in India has not precluded violent politics, armed rebellion, and secessionism in Punjab, Mizoram, Jammu and Kashmir (J and K), and Manipur. Today, Punjab and Mizoram are post-conflict societies but until the late 1980s these two states were wracked by tremendous violence and demands for secession. The other two states continue to be torn apart by the same phenomenon. Something has gone seriously wrong with the performance of democratic and federal institutions in this part of the country and it is the task of a responsible political theorist to see what has gone wrong and where. As Dunn sagely reminds us ‘the purpose of political theory is to diagnose political predicaments and to show us how best to confront them.

Transplantation of the heart after circulatory death of the donor: time for a change in law?

Procurement of organs has always been conducted according to the dead donor rule, that is, after death of the donor — but this practice is being challenged. Introduction Australia has an increasing shortfall in transplantable hearts. Over the past decade, the number of all donors per million population increased from 10.0 in 2005 to 16.1 in 2014. However, the number of heart donations per million population over the same period has declined slightly from 3.8 to 3.4, with an annual average of 3.3. Procurement of organs has always been conducted according to the dead donor rule — that is, after death of the donor — but this practice is being challenged. The law defines death in all Australian jurisdictions (eg, in s 41 of the Human Tissue Act 1982 [Vic]) as either “irreversible cessation of all functions of the brain” (brain death) or as “irreversible cessation of circulation of blood in the body” (circulatory death), but it does not define irreversible or how to determine irreversibility. Exceptionally, circulatory death is not defined in Western Australian legislation. Although the procurement of organs such as livers, kidneys and lungs is permitted after either brain death or circulatory death according to Acts in all jurisdictions, the procurement of hearts has traditionally only been from brain dead donors with functioning hearts. The definition and diagnosis of brain death is not without controversy and may explain in part why more reliance is being placed on circulatory death, which reduces availability of hearts. Alternatively, organ procurement from patients after circulatory death may be perceived as more realisable than after brain death. Indeed, circulatory death as the source of solid organs has increased from 10% of 204 donors in 2005 to 28% of 378 donors in 2014. More total organs have been procured (from 726 to 1193) but the number of hearts has increased only slightly from 72 of 204 donors (35%) to 79 of 378 donors (21%) over the same period. Only 39 hearts were procured from 189 donors (21%) during the first 6 months of 2015

Contested secessions in formal democracies: the case of Jammu and Kashmir

In a new book, Dr Neera Chandhoke considers the political context and moral considerations that complicate the right of secession in the postcolonial world

E-governance Framework to Measure Digital Competence of HEIs in India

Today, Higher Education Institutions are using ICT to provide administration and management services, develop course materials, facilitate communication among students and increase cooperation and research. Information on how most Universities have integrated ICT and to what stage is lacking. Nevertheless, some studies indicate differences in the level of the use of ICT among HEIs. The present study discusses the framework developed by the Joint Research Centre, European Commission that can be applied to assess digital co mpetency of Higher Education Institutions in India. A questionnaire, based on the above-stated framework has been formulated to assess, analyse and ascertain the status of ICT integration on the 6 parameters – namely - Leadership and Governance Practices, Teaching and Learning Practices, Professional Development of the Teaching and Non-Teaching staff, Assessment Practices, Collaboration and Networking; and Infrastructure. The expected result will be of interest to policymakers and academicians in the field of Higher Education in India

The Research 101 Certificate Program at a Community College: Giving All Students the Chance to Learn Basic Information Literacy Skills

Many community college students are ill prepared to do scholarly research. In order to mitigate this, librarians at our campus created the Research 101 Certificate Program in 2016. These workshops provide an access point for any student who wishes to strengthen their information literacy skill set. This essay describes the inception of the program, its pedagogical rationale, administration and participation outcomes. Suggestions for implementation at local institutions are also provided

Harbouring Resilience and Hope: India’s Encounter with COVID

As India traverses its journey through the humongous COVID crisis, it has encountered the most distressing times. The two successive waves of the dreaded virus have wreaked havoc with the lives of people, causing surging infections, innumerable hospitalisations, and the most tragic loss of life. While the unprecedented economic and social disruptions caused by the contingency have been devastating for all, its most disproportionate impact has been borne by the impoverished and marginalised constituencies. Yet, amongst it all, the country and its people have demonstrated incredible grit and resolve to confront the odds. Compassion and camaraderie have prevailed, as the state and civil society have persevered to reach out in myriad ways to confront the disease and support those who have been impacted. Even though the crisis is far from over, and the imperative of extending the critical healing touch to scores of survivors takes centre space, hope abounds that India shall strive on and emerge stronger

Democracy and Revolutionary Politics

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Democracy and political violence can hardly be considered conceptual siblings, at least at first sight. Democracy allows people to route their aspirations, demands, and expectations of the state through peaceful methods; violence works outside these prescribed and institutionalized channels in public spaces, in the streets, in the forests and in inhospitable terrains. But can committed democrats afford to ignore the fact that violence has become a routine way of doing politics in countries such as India? By exploring the concept of political violence from the perspective of critical political theory, Neera Chandhoke investigates its nature, justification and contradictions. She uses the case study of Maoist revolutionaries in India to globalize and relocate the debate alongside questions of social injustice, exploitation, oppression and imperfect democracies. As such, this is an important and much-needed contribution to the dialogue surrounding revolutionary violence