Bolje je gore? Utjecaj prostornih odnosa na brzinu evaluacije i dosjećanje afektivno obojanih informacija

Prilikom procjene pojmova ljudi gotovo automatski pretpostavljaju kako su objekti koji se u prostoru nalaze gore pozitivni, dok su objekti koji se u prostoru nalaze dolje negativni (Meier i Robinson, 2004). Budući da se prostor i udaljenost koristi i kako bi se opisala sličnost među nekim pojmovima (Casasanto, 2008), pokazuje se i kako razdvajanje ruku u zadatku binarne klasifikacije smanjuje interferenciju i umanjuje kognitivni napor. Cilj je ovog rada bio testirati ove pretpostavke i provjeriti posljedice koje na pamćenje imaju utvrđene razlike u brzini obrade pozitivnih i negativnih pojmova, ovisno o položaju na kojem su ti pojmovi prikazani, te načinu na koji su davani odgovori. Zadatak sudionika (N=175) bio je procijeniti je li prezentirani pojam pozitivan ili negativan, pri čemu su ti pojmovi prikazivani na dvije prostorne lokacije – pri vrhu ili dnu ekrana, a odgovori su davani razmaknutim ili približenim rukama. Bilježeno je vrijeme potrebno za donošenje procjene te točnost odgovora. Dijelu je sudionika zatim zadan nenajavljen zadatak slobodnog dosjećanja, a njihovi su odgovori kategorizirani u odnosu na procjenu valencije pojma kojeg su se dosjetili i njegovo mjesto pojavljivanja u eksperimentalnom postupku. Rezultati su pokazali da sudionici brže odgovaraju na pozitivne riječi kada su one prikazane gore, nego kada su prikazane dolje. Razdvajanje ruku nije imalo efekt na brzinu reagiranja. Rezultati na mjeri pamćenja pokazali su da sudionici pamte više pozitivnih nego li negativnih riječi, te da je razdvajanje ruku u zadatku klasifikacije rezultiralo nešto boljim rezultatom u zadatku dosjećanja. Rezultati su razmotreni u svjetlu dosadašnjih istraživanja metaforičke reprezentacije afekata

¿Quién gana en la carrera contra el tiempo? Diferencias individuales en la representación mental del tiempo

Kada govorimo ili razmišljamo o vremenu, to najčešće činimo iz jedne od dviju perspektiva, kretanje ega ili kretanje vremena. Zauzmemo li perspektivu kretanja ega, vrijeme doživljavamo statično, a sebe kao da se krećemo kroz vrijeme. Zauzmemo li perspektivu kretanja vremena, sebe doživljavamo statično, a vrijeme kao da se kreće prema nama. Koju od vremenskih perspektiva spontano zauzimamo, moguće je provjeriti odgovarajući na dvosmislena pitanja, a dosadašnja istraživanja pokazuju da podjednak broj ljudi spontano odabire jednu i drugu perspektivu. Istraživanja su pokazala i da je rješavanjem jednostavnih prostornih zadataka moguće udesiti sudionike da zauzmu određenu perspektivu. Osim toga, odabir je vremenskih perspektiva povezan i s nekim osobinama ličnosti. Cilj je ovog istraživanja bio provjeriti učestalost zauzimanja perspektiva kretanja ega i kretanja vremena te ispitati mogućnost udešavanja ispitanika na vremenske perspektive pomoću jednostavnih prostornih zadataka. Cilj je bio i provjeriti razlike između ispitanika koji spontano zauzimaju perspektive kretanja vremena i kretanja ega na mjeri lokusa kontrole, na mjeri ovladavanja životnim teškoćama te na rezultatima Upitnika vremenskih metafora. Sudionici su bili studenti, po slučaju raspoređeni u dvije eksperimentalne i jednu kontrolnu skupinu. Sudionici iz eksperimentalnih skupina bili su udešeni na jednu od dviju vremenskih perspektiva te su nakon toga odgovarali na dvosmislena pitanja. Sudionici iz kontrolne skupine odgovarali su na dvosmislena pitanja bez prethodnog udešavanja. Sudionici iz svih skupina rješavali su Upitnik vremenskih metafora, Rotterovu skalu lokusa kontrole te Pearlinovu skalu ovladavanja životnim teškoćama. Rezultati su pokazali da 35% sudionika zauzima perspektivu kretanja ega, a 65% perspektivu kretanja vremena. Udešavanje nije imalo utjecaja na zauzimanje perspektiva. Sudionici koji zauzimaju perspektivu kretanja ega imaju značajno viši rezultat na mjerama lokusa kontrole i ovladavanja životom, dok na rezultatima Upitnika vremenskih metafora nisu dobivene razlike.When we speak or think about time, we most often do it from one of two possible perspectives: ego-moving or time-moving. From ego-moving perspective, time is perceived as static while we perceive ourselves as moving through time. From time-moving perspective, time is perceived as something that moves towards us while we are static. Time perspective that a person uses can be determined by asking an ambiguous time question. It has been shown that people answer an ambiguous question from ego- and time- moving perspectives equally often. Furthermore, it has been shown that it is possible to prime participants to either ego- or time- moving perspective by giving them simple spatial tasks. Besides, it has been shown that there are some trait differences between participants who adopt ego-moving and those who adopt time-moving perspective. The aim of this research was to examine the frequency of adopting ego-moving and time-moving time representations in Croatia and to examine the possibility of priming time perspectives through spatial tasks. The aim of this study was also to examine individual differences between participants who spontaneously adopt ego-moving and those who adopt time-moving perspective on measures of locus of control, mastery and on the Time Metaphors Questionnaire. Participants were randomly assigned to one of two experimental and one control group. Participants in experimental groups were first primed to time perspective and then answered an ambiguous question, while participants in the control group answered ambiguous questions without priming. All participants answered Time Metaphors Questionnaire, Rotter\u27s Internal-External Locus of Control Scale and Pearlin Mastery Scale. Results showed that 35% of participants adopt ego-moving, while 65% adopt time-moving perspective. Priming did not influence on adopting time perspectives. As expected, participants who adopted ego-moving perspective showed more internal locus of control and scored higher on mastery scale, but there were no significant differences on the results of Time Metaphors Questionnaire.Cuando hablamos o pensamos del tiempo, en la mayoría de los casos lo hacemos desde una de las siguientes dos perspectivas: movimiento de ego o movimiento de tiempo. Si tomamos la perspectiva del movimiento de ego, percibimos el tiempo estático, y a nosotros mismos como movimiento a través del tiempo. Si tomamos la perspectiva del movimiento de tiempo, percibimos a nosotros mismos estáticos, y el tiempo en movimiento hacia nosotros. Respondiendo a las preguntas ambiguas, es posible determinar cuál de las dos perspectivas tomamos espontáneamente, y las investigaciones previas muestran que más o menos la misma cantidad de personas espontáneamente toma tanto una como otra perspectiva. Las investigaciones también muestran que se puede ajustar a los participantes a cierta perspectiva ejerciendo unas tareas espaciales. Además, la selección de perspectivas temporales se relaciona también con algunos rasgos de personalidad. El objetivo de este trabajo fue averiguar la frecuencia con la que se toma la perspectiva del movimiento de ego o del movimiento de tiempo, tanto como verificar la posibilidad de ajustar a través de unas simples tareas espaciales qué perspectiva temporal van a elegir los participantes. El objetivo fue verificar también las diferencias entre los participantes que espontáneamente eligen una de las dos perspectivas en la medida del locus de control, la dominación de problemas en la vida y los resultados del Cuestionario de Metáforas Temporales. Los participantes eran estudiantes, divididos al azar en dos grupos experimentales y uno de control. Los participantes de los grupos experimentales fueron ajustados a una de las dos perspectivas y después respondían a preguntas ambiguas. Los participantes del grupo de control respondían a las preguntas sin ajuste previo. Los participantes de todos los grupos completaron el Cuestionario de Metáforas Temporales, la Escala de Locus de Control de Rotter y la Escala de Dominación de los Problemas en la Vida de Pearlin. Los resultados demostraron que el 35% de los participantes toma la perspectiva del movimiento de ego y 65% la perspectiva del movimiento de tiempo. El ajuste no tuvo ningún impacto en la toma de perspectiva. Los participantes que toman la perspectiva del movimiento de ego tienen un resultado significativamente más alto en la medida del locus de control y la dominación de la vida, mientras que en los resultados del Cuestionario de Metáforas Temporales no se obtuvieron diferencias

Prevalence, associated factors and outcomes of pressure injuries in adult intensive care unit patients: the DecubICUs study

Funder: European Society of Intensive Care Medicine; doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/501100013347Funder: Flemish Society for Critical Care NursesAbstract: Purpose: Intensive care unit (ICU) patients are particularly susceptible to developing pressure injuries. Epidemiologic data is however unavailable. We aimed to provide an international picture of the extent of pressure injuries and factors associated with ICU-acquired pressure injuries in adult ICU patients. Methods: International 1-day point-prevalence study; follow-up for outcome assessment until hospital discharge (maximum 12 weeks). Factors associated with ICU-acquired pressure injury and hospital mortality were assessed by generalised linear mixed-effects regression analysis. Results: Data from 13,254 patients in 1117 ICUs (90 countries) revealed 6747 pressure injuries; 3997 (59.2%) were ICU-acquired. Overall prevalence was 26.6% (95% confidence interval [CI] 25.9–27.3). ICU-acquired prevalence was 16.2% (95% CI 15.6–16.8). Sacrum (37%) and heels (19.5%) were most affected. Factors independently associated with ICU-acquired pressure injuries were older age, male sex, being underweight, emergency surgery, higher Simplified Acute Physiology Score II, Braden score 3 days, comorbidities (chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, immunodeficiency), organ support (renal replacement, mechanical ventilation on ICU admission), and being in a low or lower-middle income-economy. Gradually increasing associations with mortality were identified for increasing severity of pressure injury: stage I (odds ratio [OR] 1.5; 95% CI 1.2–1.8), stage II (OR 1.6; 95% CI 1.4–1.9), and stage III or worse (OR 2.8; 95% CI 2.3–3.3). Conclusion: Pressure injuries are common in adult ICU patients. ICU-acquired pressure injuries are associated with mainly intrinsic factors and mortality. Optimal care standards, increased awareness, appropriate resource allocation, and further research into optimal prevention are pivotal to tackle this important patient safety threat

Correction to: Prevalence, associated factors and outcomes of pressure injuries in adult intensive care unit patients: the DecubICUs study

The original version of this article unfortunately contained a mistake

Prevalence, associated factors and outcomes of pressure injuries in adult intensive care unit patients: the DecubICUs study

Funder: European Society of Intensive Care Medicine; doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.13039/501100013347Funder: Flemish Society for Critical Care NursesAbstract: Purpose: Intensive care unit (ICU) patients are particularly susceptible to developing pressure injuries. Epidemiologic data is however unavailable. We aimed to provide an international picture of the extent of pressure injuries and factors associated with ICU-acquired pressure injuries in adult ICU patients. Methods: International 1-day point-prevalence study; follow-up for outcome assessment until hospital discharge (maximum 12 weeks). Factors associated with ICU-acquired pressure injury and hospital mortality were assessed by generalised linear mixed-effects regression analysis. Results: Data from 13,254 patients in 1117 ICUs (90 countries) revealed 6747 pressure injuries; 3997 (59.2%) were ICU-acquired. Overall prevalence was 26.6% (95% confidence interval [CI] 25.9–27.3). ICU-acquired prevalence was 16.2% (95% CI 15.6–16.8). Sacrum (37%) and heels (19.5%) were most affected. Factors independently associated with ICU-acquired pressure injuries were older age, male sex, being underweight, emergency surgery, higher Simplified Acute Physiology Score II, Braden score 3 days, comorbidities (chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, immunodeficiency), organ support (renal replacement, mechanical ventilation on ICU admission), and being in a low or lower-middle income-economy. Gradually increasing associations with mortality were identified for increasing severity of pressure injury: stage I (odds ratio [OR] 1.5; 95% CI 1.2–1.8), stage II (OR 1.6; 95% CI 1.4–1.9), and stage III or worse (OR 2.8; 95% CI 2.3–3.3). Conclusion: Pressure injuries are common in adult ICU patients. ICU-acquired pressure injuries are associated with mainly intrinsic factors and mortality. Optimal care standards, increased awareness, appropriate resource allocation, and further research into optimal prevention are pivotal to tackle this important patient safety threat

Odrednice internalizirane mizoginije kod žena

Internalizirana mizoginija oblik je internaliziranog seksizma koji se odnosi na devaluaciju žena, nepovjerenje prema ženama i vjerovanje u mušku superiornost, a javlja se kada žene usvoje seksističke poruke koje čuju tijekom života te ih upućuju drugim ženama. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je ispitati ulogu individualnih karakteristika te okolinskih utjecaja u objašnjenju internalizirane mizognije

Situational factors shape moral judgments in the trolley dilemma in Eastern, Southern, and Western countries in a culturally diverse sample

Much research on moral judgment is centered on moral dilemmas in which deontological perspectives (i.e., emphasizing rules, individual rights and duties) are in conflict with utilitarian judgements (i.e., following the greater good defined through consequences). A central finding of this field Greene et al. showed that psychological and situational factors (e.g., the intent of the agent, or physical contact between the agent and the victim) play an important role in people’s use of deontological versus utilitarian considerations when making moral decisions. As their study was conducted with US samples, our knowledge is limited concerning the universality of this effect, in general, and the impact of culture on the situational and psychological factors of moral judgments, in particular. Here, we empirically test the universality of deontological and utilitarian judgments by replicating Greene et al.’s experiments on a large (N = X,XXX) and diverse (WEIRD and non-WEIRD) sample across the world to explore the influence of culture on moral judgment. The relevance of this exploration to a broad range of policy-making problems is discussed