Functional plasticity of antibacterial EndoU toxins.

Bacteria use several different secretion systems to deliver toxic EndoU ribonucleases into neighboring cells. Here, we present the first structure of a prokaryotic EndoU toxin in complex with its cognate immunity protein. The contact-dependent growth inhibition toxin CdiA-CTSTECO31 from Escherichia coli STEC_O31 adopts the eukaryotic EndoU fold and shares greatest structural homology with the nuclease domain of coronavirus Nsp15. The toxin contains a canonical His-His-Lys catalytic triad in the same arrangement as eukaryotic EndoU domains, but lacks the uridylate-specific ribonuclease activity that characterizes the superfamily. Comparative sequence analysis indicates that bacterial EndoU domains segregate into at least three major clades based on structural variations in the N-terminal subdomain. Representative EndoU nucleases from clades I and II degrade tRNA molecules with little specificity. In contrast, CdiA-CTSTECO31 and other clade III toxins are specific anticodon nucleases that cleave tRNAGlu between nucleotides C37 and m2 A38. These findings suggest that the EndoU fold is a versatile scaffold for the evolution of novel substrate specificities. Such functional plasticity may account for the widespread use of EndoU effectors by diverse inter-bacterial toxin delivery systems

Structure of a cupin protein Plu4264 from Photorhabdus luminescens subsp. laumondii TTO1 at 1.35 Å resolution

Proteins belonging to the cupin superfamily have a wide range of catalytic and noncatalytic functions. Cupin proteins commonly have the capacity to bind a metal ion with the metal frequently determining the function of the protein. We have been investigating the function of homologous cupin proteins that are conserved in more than 40 species of bacteria. To gain insights into the potential function of these proteins we have solved the structure of Plu4264 from Photorhabdus luminescens TTO1 at a resolution of 1.35 Å and identified manganese as the likely natural metal ligand of the protein

Structural Characterization of CalS8, a TDP-α-D-Glucose Dehydrogenase Involved in Calicheamicin Aminodideoxypentose Biosynthesis

Classical UDP-glucose 6-dehydrogenases (UGDHs; EC 1.1.1.22) catalyze the conversion of UDP-α-d-glucose (UDP-Glc) to the key metabolic precursor UDP-α-d-glucuronic acid (UDP-GlcA) and display specificity for UDP-Glc. The fundamental biochemical and structural study of the UGDH homolog CalS8 encoded by the calicheamicin biosynthetic gene is reported and represents one of the first studies of a UGDH homolog involved in secondary metabolism. The corresponding biochemical characterization of CalS8 reveals CalS8 as one of the first characterized base-permissive UGDH homologs with a \u3e15-fold preference for TDP-Glc over UDP-Glc. The corresponding structure elucidations of apo-CalS8 and the CalS8·substrate·cofactor ternary complex (at 2.47 and 1.95 Å resolution, respectively) highlight a notably high degree of conservation between CalS8 and classical UGDHs where structural divergence within the intersubunit loop structure likely contributes to the CalS8 base permissivity. As such, this study begins to provide a putative blueprint for base specificity among sugar nucleotide-dependent dehydrogenases and, in conjunction with prior studies on the base specificity of the calicheamicin aminopentosyltransferase CalG4, provides growing support for the calicheamicin aminopentose pathway as a TDP-sugar-dependent process

What drives political participation? Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital Age

The article provides insights into the driving forces that underpin new forms of political participation. Digital technologies offer opportunities for engaging in a wide range of civically-oriented activities, whether liking or sharing political content, joining online political communities or joining discussions, each can contribute to deeper democratic engagement and, for the individual, act as a pathway towards further civic participation. Conventional acts of political participation, demonstrating, petitioning and voting, are argued to be driven primarily by intrinsic motivations relating to self-efficacy and empowerment as the individual feels they can have influence over decision makers. Little research explores whether similar motivations drive participation in less conventional acts, as well as whether mobilisation attempts via social media by peers or political organisations mediate those motivations. Drawing on data from a survey among a representative sample of the UK electorate, we find the offline and online spheres of agency as still fairly distinct. Intrinsic and extrinsic motivations both matter but extrinsic motivations, following norms of behaviour within networks and supporting the activities of peers, have the strongest explanatory power independent of the sphere of activity. The mediating effect of mobilisation tactics has a minimal effect on extrinsic motivations, online or offline, but online intrinsic motivations lose their explanatory power. This finding suggests online political acts are carried out due to mobilisation, although as intrinsic factors offer little explanatory power these acts may lack meaning to the individual. We also found that campaign organisations are the most powerful mobilisers perhaps suggesting social media users are most likely to perform simple acts in support of non-contentious causes

The normalization of online campaigning in the web.2.0 era

This article is based on a comparative study of online campaigning and its effects by country and over time, using four of the largest European Union member states (France, Germany, Poland and the United Kingdom) as a case study. Our research explores the extent of embeddedness of online campaigning, the strategic uses of the whole online environment and in particular the use of the interactive features associated with web.2.0 era. However, our research goes beyond studies of online campaigning as we also determine whether online campaigning across platforms matters in electoral terms. Our data support the normalization hypothesis which shows overall low levels of innovation but that the parties with the highest resources tend to develop online campaigns with the highest functionality. We find that there is a vote dividend for those parties which utilized web.2.0 features the most and so offered visitors to their web presence a more interactive experience

Online Political Communication Strategies: MEPs, E-Representation, and Self-Representation

Research into the communication strategies of legislators has a long history. The European Parliament offers an opportunity to add to understanding of how legislators prioritize styles of communication, with a comparative perspective across 27 nations. Through content analysis of online communication, we investigate how the Internet is used by members of the European Parliament. Our analysis assesses three communication strategies: homestyle, impression management, and participatory. We find that a homestyle strategy predominates, followed by impression management. Participatory communication is emergent, but may earn legislators political capital, as it appears that proactive communicators who offer participatory opportunities are more likely to build an online following

Poland's 2011 Online Election Campaign: New Tools, New Professionalism, New Ways to Win Votes

This article analyzes the use of the online environment within the context of the Polish parliamentary election of 2011. Using traditional methods of content analysis, we find that parties tend to adhere to a professionalized model of campaigning, and adapting online tools to suit the objectives of the campaign. There also appears to be a recognition that their most likely visitors to these online presences would be converts, and so they attempt to mobilize supporters rather than convert browsers. New parties and candidates are more likely to target browsers, with the latter offering a more personalized experience to online visitors. Importantly, when analyzing the outcome of the contest, we find that being online matters for candidates when controlling for all other variables. Equally, the reach the candidate has, which may well influence their vote share, is dependent on offering a more personalized, representational image and having a frequently updated online presence that should encourage repeat visits. Cumulatively, we suggest the future of online campaigning must not only focus on having a presence, but on using it in a way that appeals to a range of visitors, encouraging repeat visits, and that this strategy could have a positive impact on election outcomes. © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

The professionals speak: Practitioners’ perspectives on professional election campaigning

Faced with some fundamental changes in the socio-cultural, political and media environment, political parties in post-industrialized democracies have started to initiate substantial transformations of both their organizational structures and communicative practices. Those innovations, described as professionalization, become most obvious during election campaigns. In recent times, the number of empirical studies measuring the degree of political parties’ campaign professionalism has grown. They have relied on a broad spectrum of indicators derived from theory which have not been tested for their validity. For the first time, we put these indicators to a ‘reality check’ by asking top-ranked party secretaries and campaign managers in 12 European countries to offer their perceptions of professional election campaigning. Furthermore, we investigate whether any differences in understanding professionalism among party campaign practitioners can be explained by macro (country) and meso (party) factors. By and large, our results confirm the validity of most indicators applied in empirical studies on campaign professionalism so far. There are some party- and country-related differences in assessing campaign professionalism too, but the influence of most factors on practitioners’ evaluations is weak. Therefore, we conclude that largely there is a far-reaching European Union-wide common understanding of professional election campaigning

Target highlights in CASP9: Experimental target structures for the critical assessment of techniques for protein structure prediction

15 pags, 9 figsOne goal of the CASP community wide experiment on the critical assessment of techniques for protein structure prediction is to identify the current state of the art in protein structure prediction and modeling. A fundamental principle of CASP is blind prediction on a set of relevant protein targets, that is, the participating computational methods are tested on a common set of experimental target proteins, for which the experimental structures are not known at the time of modeling. Therefore, the CASP experiment would not have been possible without broad support of the experimental protein structural biology community. In this article, several experimental groups discuss the structures of the proteins which they provided as prediction targets for CASP9, highlighting structural and functional peculiarities of these structures: the long tail fiber protein gp37 from bacteriophage T4, the cyclic GMP-dependent protein kinase Iβ dimerization/docking domain, the ectodomain of the JTB (jumping translocation breakpoint) transmembrane receptor, Autotaxin in complex with an inhibitor, the DNA-binding J-binding protein 1 domain essential for biosynthesis and maintenance of DNA base-J (β-D-glucosyl-hydroxymethyluracil) in Trypanosoma and Leishmania, an so far uncharacterized 73 residue domain from Ruminococcus gnavus with a fold typical for PDZ-like domains, a domain from the phycobilisome core-membrane linker phycobiliprotein ApcE from Synechocystis, the heat shock protein 90 activators PFC0360w and PFC0270w from Plasmodium falciparum, and 2-oxo-3-deoxygalactonate kinase from Klebsiella pneumoniae. © 2011 Wiley-Liss, Inc.Grant sponsor: Spanish Ministry of Education and Science; Grant number: BFU2008-01588; Grant sponsor: European Commission; Grant number: NMP4-CT-2006-033256; Grant sponsor: Spanish Ministry of Education and Science (José Castillejo fellowship); Grant sponsor: Xunta de Galicia (Angeles Alvariño fellowship); Grant sponsor: National Institutes of Health; Grant numbers: K22-CA124517 (D.E.C.); R01-GM090161 (C.K.) GM074942; GM094585; Grant sponsor: U. S. Department of Energy, Office of Biological and Environmental Research; Grant number: DE-AC02-06CH11357 (to A.J.); Grant sponsor: Foundation for Polish Science (to K.M.); Grant sponsor: NSF; Grant number: DBI 0829586