19 research outputs found
Royalists and patriots : Nîmes and its hinterland in the late eighteenth century
This is a study of an event: an abortive royalist insurrection
in the city of Nîmes in June 1790 and its aftermath - a series of
royalist revolts centred upon the commune of Berrias in the
department of the Ardèche in 1790, 1791 and 1792. The thesis
is divided into four parts, each designed to contribute to an
explanation of what made these events possible. Part I is a discussion
of the composition and ideological assumptions of royalism in the
South-East of France. Part II consists of an examination of the
social and economic structure of Nimes in the eighteenth century.
Part III is a study of the relationship between Nimes and its
hinterland as it was organised through the production of silk.
Part IV deals with the manner in which the form of this town-country
relationship intersected with tensions and conflicts within the
city itself in the later eighteenth century. It is argued from
this analysis that it is impossible to explain royalism in unilateral
terms. Royalism was the product of a developing social process;
it cannot therefore be deduced from the divisions which it contributed
to produce after 1790. Royalists became royalists because of the
particular form of their relationship to those who became "patriots"
in the decades preceeding 1790. Secondly, royalism cannot be
explained exclusively in terms of local and regional tensions.
Royalists occupied a particular place within the hierarchy of
functions which articulated the relationship between Nimes and its
hinterland. Rather, therefore, than deducing royalism from tensions
at one particular level - whether of the village, small town, region
or city - this study has sought to explain royalism in terms of
the relationship between these different levels, and of the manner
in which contemporaries sought to understand this relationship.
The argument pursued throughout this study is that royalism
in the South-East can be seen as one possible "solution" to
the "problem" of social mobility in eighteenth century France
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FROM THE HEBREW COMMONWEALTH TO PARTY POLITICS: ROUSSEAU’S LEGACY AND THE NATION-STATE IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY POLITICAL THOUGHT
Among the various ways of thinking about self-determination in the nineteenth century – in the context, for example, of nations and empires, or church and state, or men and women - two sets of concepts stood out. One set began with Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Immanuel Kant and focussed on the concept of autonomy and the related idea of individual self-determination. The other set began much later in the nineteenth century and focussed on the relationship between the concept of the nation-state and an earlier array of calls for national self-determination centred, for example, on the Dutch revolt of the sixteenth century, the Catalan rebellion of the seventeenth century, or the German resistance to the Napoleonic empire in the early nineteenth century. The most immediate aim of this essay is to uncover some of the different layers of political argument buried beneath these different concepts of self-determination and, by doing so, to begin to explain how and why these initially separate sets of concepts - and the range of different subjects to which they referred - came to be connected.1 It is designed to build on, and modify, the parallel examinations of nations, nationalism and nation-states made a generation ago by Reinhart Koselleck and Istvan Hont by adding the concepts of autonomy and individual self-determination to those that they associated with the concepts of nationality and national self-determination.2 In both their examinations, the initial historical and analytical focus fell on the difference between the concepts of the people and the nation as agents collectively responsible for authorising and legitimating political authority and power. Drawing on a widely recognised distinction in early modern European legal and political thought, both Koselleck and Hont emphasised the legal and political quality of the concept of the people as an agent of authorisation and, by contrast, the cultural and ethnic attributes of the concept of a nation as a natural and non-political part of society. In this early modern idiom, empires and states could house many different nations, but sovereignty and law would still make - or be the work of - one people. Nations, in short, were natural communities, but peoples were the products of empires, states and law
O comércio de mapas na França e na Grã Bretanha durante o século XVIII The map trade in France and Great Britain in the Eighteenth Century
Esse artigo analisa as formas de produção de mapas na França e na Inglaterra durante o século XVIII. Discute a formação e os mecanismos de atuação dos geógrafos e topógrafos, bem como os mecanismos de produção, reprodução e comércio de mapas na época.<br>This article analyses the map production in France and England in the Eighteenth Century. Presents the training methods and the daily life of geographers and surveyors, also the map's production, reproduction and trade at that time