100th anniversary of the discovery of the human adrenal fetal zone by Stella Starkel and Lesław Węgrzynowski: how far have we come?

Year 2010 marks a centennial anniversary of the description by Stella Starkel and LesĹaw WÄgrzynowski, Polish students of the Faculty of Medicine, University of LwĂłw, the fetal zone of the human fetal adrenal gland. In 1911 both, Starkel and WÄgrzynowski were graduated from the Faculty of Medicine of Lwow University. The paper appeared in the German Arch. Anat. Physiol. and its original title was "Beitrag zur Histologie der Nebeniere bei Feten und Kindern" ("Contribution to histology of adrenals of fetuses and children"). The studies were performed on 100 adrenal glands obtained from fetuses (from 6th month of gestation) and up to 5-year-old children. They described the fetal zone as a "medullary zone", also as "immature cortex", which undergoes involution in first years of life. To commemorate this discovery, this review aimed to present the most important achievements of studies on the development and involution of the human adrenal fetal zone

Nurty myśli politycznego marginesu. Sprzeczności i niedopowiedzenia

The main issue of this article are the insignificant trends of political thought and their contradictions and understatements. The article describes the following trends of political thought: anarchism, communism, nationalism, monarchism, transhumanism, primitivism, ruralism and also National anarchism, National Bolshevism and Sla-vophilism. These trends of political thought are characterized by internal contradictions and opposition to democracy.  Przedmiotem artykułu są marginalne nurty myśli politycznej oraz ich sprzeczności i niedopowiedzenia. W artykule opisano następujące kierunki myśli politycznej: anarchizm, komunizm, nacjonalizm, monarchizm, transhumanizm, prymitywizm, ruralizm, a także narodowy anarchizm, narodowy bolszewizm i słowianofilstwo. Nurty te cechują się wewnętrznymi sprzecznościami i opozycyjnością wobec demokracji

Ruch anarchistyczny w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej: wybrane dylematy okresu przemian

This case study is an illustration of the dilemmas and challenges with which the anarchist movement in Middle and Eastern Europe was faced in the first decade of the 21st century. The aim here is also to present the manifestation of the activity of the role as many other political movements. However, there were some organisational structures that had an international character. What is more, the magazines published and the Internet portals created, played an integrated and propagandised role. During that period the anarchist movement confronted the following dilemmas: global or local character of activities, the necessity of the change of an ideological opponent, defining the ultimate as well as short-term aims, and the choice of methods of achieving those aims. The research material constituted the publications in the anarchist magazine „Abolishing The Borders From Below. Anarchist Courier From Eastern Europe” from the years 2001–2010. It’s an English bi-monthly magazine published in Berlin but accessible to the readers almost in all countries in Middle Eastern Europe. Its subject reflects the diversity of social and political problems, which are the core of interest of anarchist

Marsz Niepodległości, czyli inna Europa jest możliwa

The Independence March is a demonstration organized in Warsaw on the 11th of November every year. The representatives of political and social organizations, and sports fans participate in this event. It attracts several thousand supporters. Its participants utter political and nationalist statements. The March is the manifestation of the vision of other Poland and other Europe, which is based on ethnically and culturally homogenous states. Its participants are opposed to the European Union.Marsz Niepodległości jest manifestacją organizowaną w Warszawie, corocznie w dniu 11 listopada. Biorą w nim udział przedstawiciele organizacji politycznych, społecznych i kibice sportowi. Gromadzi kilkadziesiąt tysięcy sympatyków. Jego uczestnicy głoszą hasła patriotyczne i nacjonalistyczne. Marsz jest przejawem wizji innej Polski i innej Europy, opartej na państwach jednolitych narodowo i kulturowo. Jego uczestnicy opowiadają się przeciwko Unii Europejskiej

Lewica komunistyczna w Polsce po 1989 roku. Organizacje i ich myśl programowa. Zarys problemu

The article presents the history and main assumptions of the political thought of the communist movement in Poland after 1989. This movement consisted of political parties, informal groups as well as press and internet editorial teams, for which the ideological foundation was Marxism-Leninism, Trotskyism or Maoism/Stalinism. These were, among others: the Communist Party of Poland, the Revolutionary Left Current, the Socialist Alternative, and the Workers’ Democracy. Their political thought was based on the criticism of the political changes in Poland after 1989.Artykuł przedstawia historię i główne założenia myśli politycznej ruchu komunistycznego w Polsce po 1989 r. Ruch ten tworzyły partie polityczne, nieformalne grupy oraz redakcje prasowe i internetowe, dla których fundament ideowy stanowiły marksizm-leninizm, trockizm lub maoizm/stalinizm. Były to m.in.: Komunistyczna Partia Polski, Nurt Lewicy Rewolucyjnej, Alternatywa Socjalistyczna, Pracownicza Demokracja. Ich myśl polityczna oparta została na krytyce przemian politycznych w Polsce po 1989 r

Edukacja jako przedmiot zainteresowań polskich partii politycznych w drugim dziesięcioleciu XXI w. Analiza wybranych programów wyborczych

The aim of this article is to reflect on the pluralism of plans and projects of the school education system in Poland at the end of the second decade of the 21st century and the positions of political parties regarding reforms of children’s and youth education. The hypothesis of the research in the article is the assumption that the electoral programmes of Polish political parties are characterized by a plurality of educational visions. They often are proposals for reforms adapting education to the tasks of the modern economy, market and social changes. The research method used in the article is the analysis of source documents, i.e. political party programmes, as well as their comparative analysis. The programmes of 14 political parties, valid in the second decade of the 21st century, were analyzed. These were in the order: Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Labor Union (UP), Polish Labor Party – August 80 (PPP-S’80), Party Together, Spring, Green Party, Polish People’s Party (PSL), Democratic Party (SD), Civic Platform (PO), Modern Party, Law and Justice (PiS), Coalition of the Restoration of the Republic Freedom and Hope (KORWiN), Right Wing of the Republic, National Movement (RN). Celem artykułu jest refleksja nad pluralizmem planów i projektów systemu edukacji szkolnej w Polsce w końcu drugiej dekady XXI w. oraz stanowisk partii politycznych dotyczących reform oświaty dzieci i młodzieży. Hipotezą badawczą w artykule jest założenie, że programy wyborcze polskich partii politycznych cechuje pluralizm wizji edukacji. Są one częściej propozycjami reform dostosowujących edukację do zadań współczesnej gospodarki, rynku i przemian społecznych, niż propozycjami na rzecz głębokich zmian. Zastosowaną metodą badawczą w artykule jest analiza dokumentów źródłowych, tj. programów partii politycznych, a także ich analiza porównawcza. Analizie poddano aktualne w drugiej dekadzie XXI stulecia programy 14 partii politycznych. Były to: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD), Unia Pracy (UP), Polska Partia Pracy – Sierpień’80 (PPP-S’80), Partia Razem, Wiosna, Partia Zieloni, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (PSL), Stronnictwo Demokratyczne (SD), Platforma Obywatelska Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (PO), Nowoczesna, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS), Koalicja Odnowy Rzeczypospolitej Wolność i Nadzieja (KORWiN), Prawica Rzeczypospolitej, Ruch Narodowy (RN)

<i>KISS1</i> and KISS1R expression in the human and rat carotid body and superior cervical ganglion

KISS1 and its receptor, KISS1R, have both been found to be expressed in central nervous system, but few data are present in the literature about their distribution in peripheral nervous structures. Thus, the aim of the present study was to investigate, through immunohistochemistry, the expression and distribution of KISS1 and KISS1R in the rat and human carotid bodies and superior cervical ganglia, also with particular reference to the different cellular populations. Materials consisted of carotid bodies and superior cervical ganglia were obtained at autopsy from 10 adult subjects and sampled from 10 adult Sprague-Dawley rats. Immunohistochemistry revealed diffuse expression of KISS1 and KISS1R in type I cells of both human and rat carotid bodies, whereas type II cells were negative. In both human and rat superior cervical ganglia positive anti-KISS1 and -KISS1R immunostainings were also selectively found in ganglion cells, satellite cells being negative. Endothelial cells also showed moderate immunostaining for both KISS1 and KISS1R. The expression of both kisspeptins and kisspeptin receptors in glomic type I cells and sympathetic ganglion cells supports a modulatory role of KISS1 on peripheral chemoreception and sympathetic function. Moreover, local changes in blood flow have been considered to be involved in carotid body chemoreceptor discharge and kisspeptins and kisspeptin receptors have also been found in the endothelial cells. As a consequence, a possible role of kisspeptins in the regulation of carotid body blood flow and, indirectly, in chemoreceptor discharge may also be hypothesized

Zideologizowanie przekazu prasy radykalnych ruchów społecznych w kontekście tabloidyzacji mediów (przykład prasy ruchu anarchistycznego)

The anarchist movement, aiming to remove all ruler – ruled relations, is a radical social movement. The movement has its own means of communication. The phenomenon of tabloidization, understood as the propagation of properties typical of tabloid media, concerns the anarchist press as well, but only marginally. It is manifested by the ideologization of the content of this press. The communications of the anarchist movement are directed at its social surroundings and also occur within the movement. Tabloidization is an ineffective means of achieving an intangible benefit (winning supporters for the movement). The tabloidization of the message aimed at obtaining a benefit is only meaningful in the internal communications, where it helps maintain the headcount on account of the ideologization, simplification and sensational character of the message. While criticizing the tabloidization of traditional media, anarchists have developed their concepts using simplified messages for the purpose of social mobilization, riots and future insurrections. In these concepts, shallow messages referring to irrational human emotions become a source of revolutionary attitudes.The anarchist movement, aiming to remove all ruler – ruled relations, is a radical social movement. The movement has its own means of communication. The phenomenon of tabloidization, understood as the propagation of properties typical of tabloid media, concerns the anarchist press as well, but only marginally. It is manifested by the ideologization of the content of this press. The communications of the anarchist movement are directed at its social surroundings and also occur within the movement. Tabloidization is an ineffective means of achieving an intangible benefit (winning supporters for the movement). The tabloidization of the message aimed at obtaining a benefit is only meaningful in the internal communications, where it helps maintain the headcount on account of the ideologization, simplification and sensational character of the message. While criticizing the tabloidization of traditional media, anarchists have developed their concepts using simplified messages for the purpose of social mobilization, riots and future insurrections. In these concepts, shallow messages referring to irrational human emotions become a source of revolutionary attitudes